- During 1941 and 1942 many papers
and studies directed toward a solution of the question of the proper and
equitable employment of Negro troops were prepared in War Department agencies.
They arrived, with few exceptions, at no new conclusions, except to recommend
again that the necessary additional units to absorb Negroes be provided
and that each arm and service continue to accept its proportionate share.
-
- The few exceptions in this continuing
round of studies appeared at widely separated intervals and under quite
different circumstances. In September 1941 the Civilian Aide to the Secretary
of War, William H. Hastie, after ten months of "observation, discussion,
and action in the War Department and in the field," produced an "overall
description of what is happening to the Negro in the Army" and suggested
corrective measures. In March 1942 the War Plans Division produced a study
calling for a complete reassessment of the basis for the use of Negro
manpower. Out of G-3 in October of the same year came a third study suggesting
changes in the entire approach to the problem.
-
- Though only a few of the suggestions
made in the studies were acted upon, these three studies indicate the
range of corrective suggestions made before the pattern of Army racial
organization in
- wartime had set too firmly for
significant changes to be made. They, and the reactions to them, are indexes
to the extent of recognition of the problems involved and to the resistance
that ideas and new proposals can meet.
-
-
- Judge Hastie's survey and recommendations,
written while the Army was still undergoing its peacetime expansion and
training, considered nearly every large question involved in the employment
of Negro troops, but it was his recommendation on the organization of
units that created most concern within the staff divisions of the War
Department.1
-
- The basic contentions of judge
Hastie's survey were that the Army could utilize many more Negroes in
many more varieties of service than it was currently doing and that Negro
troops could be organized more effectively for military service. In an
introductory section, headed "The Fundamental Error of Philosophy
and Approach," Hastie opened his report:
- [136]
- The traditional mores of the South
have been widely accepted and adopted by the Army as the basis of policy
and practice affecting the Negro soldier .... In tactical organization,
in physical location, in human contacts, the Negro soldier is separated
from the white soldier as completely as possible . . . . The isolation
of Negro combat troops, the failure to make many of them parts of large
combat teams, the refusal to mingle Negro officers-most of whom have had
little opportunity to command and train soldiers in units with experienced
officers of the Regular Army, all are retarding the training of Negro
soldiers.
-
- Hastie's major premise, thus stated,
predisposed certain agencies to react unfavorably to his recommendations
out of fear that the results would involve the Army in social as well
as military problems.
-
- Hastie's survey of the current
status of the Negro soldier in the Army indicated a marked contrast between
practice and announced policies. On 30 June 1941, the Army had 74,309
Negro enlisted men out of a total strength of 1,448,500. They represented
only 5 percent of the whole. Plans current at that time set a goal of
only 6 percent, for though about 10 percent of Selective Service inductees
were Negroes, only 3 percent of three-year Regular enlistees and less
than 2 percent of National Guard enlisted men were Negroes. Moreover,
Hastie added, "The newly enlisted Negro soldiers have been disproportionately
concentrated in the Corps of Engineers, the Quartermaster Corps, and Overhead
installations." Hastie felt that the imbalance had come about because
these were the branches which could use Negroes "most easily in detached
units, rather than as an integral part of larger combat teams." The
"most glaring disproportion," he continued, was in the overhead
installations, which G-3 was considering increasing to 2o percent of all
Negroes. The intention was to confine Negroes to small service detachments
"performing nonmilitary duties of unskilled and menial character"
that should be performed by civilian employees not available for military
service. "Where there are both colored and white service detachments
in the Overhead of a particular station, the most undesirable duties are
assigned to the colored detachment," he continued.
-
- The suggestion that the high proportion
of Negroes assigned to labor functions was justified by the proportionately
large numbers of Negro selectees in Class V, the lowest class of the Army
General Classification Test (AGCT), "must be discounted," Hastie
argued, for illiterates were no longer to be accepted, selective service
volunteers had higher basic abilities, and college students deferred for
the first year of mobilization were rapidly being called to duty. "Finally,"
Hastie reported, "the evidence of field commanders indicates that
a high percentage of the men with little education or acquired skill at
the time of their induction, can be used effectively in combat units.
Many such men have basic intelligence and are eager to learn for the very
reason that opportunity has been denied them in civilian life. And even
for men of small intelligence there are many important jobs in Combat
organizations." As an illustration, he cited the 77th Coast Artillery,
"composed in large measure of Negro Selective Service trainees of
low classification," whose training record showed that it had "progressed
faster
- [137]
- than a white artillery regiment
which is a component of the same brigade." 2
-
- The growing Selective Service
backlogs, failure to use more Negroes in newer types of organizations,
poor classification and assignment methods, the location of three-fourths
of Negro trainees in the South where they had to accommodate themselves
"to humiliation and insult imposed by those who insist upon traditional
Southern practices designed to keep the Negro humble and subordinate,
when the Army should, on the other hand, insist that every man in uniform
be treated as a man and a soldier," and lack of opportunities for
the development of capable Negro officers were among the other major matters
treated by Hastie in his survey.
-
- The chief difficulties which the
Army was experiencing and which, he predicted, would increase, Hastie
attributed to the pattern of rigid separation by units within the Army:
-
- Many of the underlying problems
of morale and administration discussed in this report are inherent in
the fundamental scheme of separate units for colored soldiers. Difficulties
begin in Selective Service calls where the requirement of separate units
has led to separate calls for white and colored soldiers in violation
of the spirit of the Selective Service lottery. It will be remembered
that in at least one state local officials refused for a period to honor
such racial calls. The danger of such rebellion is again imminent. Many
of the problems of placing Negro soldiers according to training and ability
result from the necessity for finding a separate Negro unit and a vacancy
in such a unit before the soldier can be assigned to duty . . . .
-
- All of this will not be changed
over night. The disturbing thing, however, is that there is no apparent
disposition to make a beginning
or a trial of any different plan. The beginning of the training of Negro
pilots for the Army Air Corps offered such an opportunity for a fresh
start along sound lines. For example, a substantial portion of the Armored
Force is being trained at Pine Camp, New York, in an area where racial
tensions are not serious. Integration of highly competent Negroes, selectees
and volunteers for 3-year enlistments, into such an organization would
be an important first step in the desirable direction. It is strongly
recommended that some such beginning be made in the Air Corps, in the
Armored Force, or in any organization which in its nature requires carefully
selected men of superior intelligence and special competence.
-
- I believe the Military authorities
do not comprehend the amount of resentment among soldiers and civilians,
white as well as black, over the rigid pattern of racial separation imposed
by the Army. Today, soldiers and civilians are more critical than they
were 25 years ago in their examination of our professed ideals. Insistence
upon an inflexible policy of separating white and black soldiers is probably
the most dramatic evidence of hypocrisy in our profession that we are
girding ourselves for the preservation of democracy.3
-
- In his specific recommendations
for the organization of Negro troops, judge Hastie proposed four points
"in order that the progressive integration of Negro soldiers into
the Army shall proceed in such manner as to achieve the greatest possible
Military advantage." These recommendations were:
-
- 1. New organizations must be provided
as speedily as possible to accommodate the anticipated excess of Negro
selectees.
- 2. Negro combat regiments should
be made components of higher units; isolated single companies and detachments
should be eliminated.
- [138]
- 3. Isolated small units which
are the only Negro troops at their stations should be transferred to other
stations (in order to obviate the need of providing expensive separate
recreational facilities for them) .
- 4. At some place in the armed
services a beginning should be made in the employment of soldiers without
racial separation.
-
- Judge Hastie's recommendations
were submitted to Under Secretary Patterson. Judge Patterson, in sending
the paper to General Marshall, asked: "Will you please give this
your careful consideration and let me have your views on it? It will probably
be best to have an oral discussion of these issues.4
Full replies to the memorandum, with changes, alterations, and comments,
were prepared over a period of weeks by the assistant chiefs of staff
and by interested agencies to whom the report was sent. In mid-November
1941, judge Patterson reminded General Marshall that he had not yet heard
from him and that he still wanted to discuss "at an early date judge
Hastie's memorandum of suggestions on Negro troops in the Army, which
I sent to you with my memorandum of October 6th." 5
General Bryden, Deputy Chief of Staff, discussed the matter with Under
Secretary Patterson on 5 December 1941, two and one-half months after
the recommendations had been made and two days before Pearl Harbor, an
event which effectively altered the course of discussion of the Hastie
recommendations.
-
- No one quarreled seriously with
the first three recommendations of judge Hastie. New Negro units, as described
above, were activated as rapidly as possible. The possible organization
of all-Negro divisions, although Hastie had not urged it, was expected
to answer the question of making smaller combat units parts of larger
units. The organization of the 2d Cavalry Division, although Hastie was
not so told, was considered proof that "the Department is not opposed
in principle to the inclusion of negro regiments in higher units."
The GHQ tank battalion (the 78th, later 758th) and the 99th Pursuit Squadron
were cited as evidence of willingness to activate units in "new type"
organizations. More would be activated as qualified men became available,
but comparative AGCT scores seemed to indicate that such an event was
unlikely.6
-
- Judge Hastie's proposal for a
beginning in desegregation and his belief that with carefully selected
men of high qualifications such a beginning might safely be made on a
small scale, overshadowed his other recommendations in the eyes of most
commenting agencies. Hastie himself had assumed that such a beginning
should be made in peacetime since in his view, with the country at war,
any alteration of existing relationships might be considered as a dangerous
experiment for a time of national emergency. He had also assumed that
from both the
- [139]
- point of view of economy in the
use of manpower and in military efficiency such a beginning would be desirable.
Most of all, he felt that such a step, taken concurrently with his other
recommendations, would have tremendous symbolic value:
-
- I sincerely believe that much
of the difficulty being experienced in arousing the nation today is traceable
to the fact that we have lost that passion for national ideals which a
people must have if it is to work and sacrifice for its own survival.
We have lost that motivative drive because we have let our own behavior
become inconsistent with our wordy professions. Whatever we may think
of the ideals of Germany or Russia, fascism on the one hand and communism
on the other had to become a national obsession, a driving force revealed
in domestic behavior, before these nations could be keyed to a great war
effort for the preservation and extension of their ideologies.
-
- Until the men in our Army and
civilians at home believe in and work for democracy with similar fervor
and determination, we will not be an effective nation in the face of a
foreign foe. So long as we condone and appease un-American attitudes and
practices within our own military and civilian life, we can never arouse
ourselves to the exertion which the present emergency requires.7
-
- The General Staff took the point
of view that Hastie wished the Army to carry out a complete social revolution
against the will of the nation. An unused memorandum proposed by G-1 with
the concurrence of G-3 clearly stated the case for the staff divisions:
-
- It is the opinion of these Divisions
that, under no circumstances should the War Department concur in those
recommendations which are based largely upon racial and social issues.
The immediate task of the
Army is the efficient completion of our Defense Program. Nothing should
be permitted to divert us from this task. Contrary to the bulk of the
recommendations, every effort should be made by the War Department to
maintain in the Army the social and racial conditions which exist in civil
life in order that the normal customs of the white and colored personnel
now in the army may not be suddenly disrupted. The Army can, under no
circumstances, adopt a policy which is contrary to the dictates of a majority
of the people. To do so would alienate the people from the Army and lower
their morale at a time when their support of the Army and high morale
are vital to our National needs.8
-
- In the formal memorandum of the
Chief of Staff to the Secretary of War on the subject, dated 1 December
1941, General Marshall wrote:
-
- A solution of many of the issues
presented by judge Hastie in his memorandum to you on "The Integration
of
- the Negro Soldier into the Army,"
dated September 22, would be tantamount to solving a social problem which
has perplexed the American people throughout the history of this nation.
The Army cannot accomplish such a solution, and should not be charged
with the undertaking. The settlement of vexing racial problems cannot
be permitted to complicate the tremendous task of the War Department and
thereby jeopardize discipline and morale.
-
- The problems presented with reference
to utilizing negro personnel in the Army should be faced squarely. In
doing so, the following facts must be recognized; first, that the War
Department cannot ignore the social relationships between negroes and
whites which has been established by the American people through custom
and habit; second, that either through lack of educational opportunities
or other causes the level of intelligence and occupational skill of the
negro population is considerably
- [140]
- below that of the white; third,
that the Army will attain its maximum strength only if its personnel is
properly placed in accordance with the capabilities of individuals; and
fourth, that experiments within the Army in the solution of social problems
are fraught with danger to efficiency, discipline, and morale.9
-
- To all practical intents and purposes,
Hastie and the Army's high command had reached an impasse on this particular
question before the formal entry of the United States into war.
-
-
- Just at the time that the Chief
of Staff's formal reply to the Hastie recommendations was sent to the
Secretary, the Bureau of Public Relations and Judge Hastie were arranging
a conference of Negro editors and publishers.10
They had scheduled their meeting for 8 December 1941, a date whose significance
was to be known only after the Sunday, 7 December, attack on Pearl Harbor.
This type of conference, planned to provide the Negro press with factual
information concerning the functions of the various War Department agencies
and to endeavor to create better relations between the Army and the Negro
public, had been used successfully in World War I.11
At round table discussions, the editors were to hear representatives of
The Adjutant General's Department, the Bureau of Public Relations, the
Morale Branch, The Inspector
General's Department, the Provost Marshal General's Office, the Judge
Advocate General's Office, and the Civilian Personnel Division. A tour
of the Bureau of Public Relations, an exhibition of films, and a demonstration
of modern warfare at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, would follow. The conference
was to open with remarks by General Marshall.
-
- For General Marshall's address,
the G-3 Division prepared two reports. The first contained current statistics
on the employment of Negro personnel. It listed the achievement of the
Army in activating the 99th Pursuit Squadron and the 758th Tank Battalion,
in planning the activation of tank destroyer units, in distributing Negroes
"in all our arms and services," in the use of Negro officers,
and in general advances in training. The second, "furnished for background
purposes, only," contained statements that might be useful in "refuting
charges that discrimination is being practiced against negroes."
It contained statistics comparing white and Negro AGCT score distributions
(at that time, 13.34 percent of the white and .64 percent of the Negro
soldiers were in the highest class; 5.51 percent of the whites and 45.05
percent of the Negroes were in the lowest class); comparisons of AGCT
scores of white and Negro high school graduates and then of college graduates;
racial comparisons of occurrence rates of occupational specialists (44.2
percent white to 5.3 Negro clerks per 1,000; 99.5 white to 118.8 Negro
truck drivers; .586 white airplane mechanics to .045 Negro; 8.9 white
to 31.5 Negro cooks; .346 white to .011 Negro telegraph operators per
1,000) ; and selected comments of World War I com-
- [141]
- manders on the combat efficiency
of Negro troops as compiled by the Army War College .12
- In his talk General Marshall pointed
out the progress that had been made and that was in the offing. Here he
made the first public announcement that a Negro division was being considered.
He made clear his recognition of the problem faced by the War Department
and said that the department was not satisfied with the progress it had
made. In an aside General Marshall added, "And I am not personally
satisfied with it either." Coming as they did in the emotionally
charged atmosphere of the morning after Pearl Harbor and just before the
Congress of the United States assembled to hear the President's request
for a declaration that the nation was in a state of war with Japan, General
Marshall's remarks, especially the added comment on his personal feeling
in the matter, made a profound impression on the Negro editors. But, an
hour later, Col. Eugene R. Householder, of The Adjutant General's Department,
read from a prepared paper:
-
- The Army did not create the problem.
The Army is made up of individual citizens of the United States who have
pronounced views with respect to the Negro just as they have individual
ideas with respect to other matters in their daily walk of life. Military
orders, fiat, or dicta, will not change their viewpoints. The Army then
cannot be made the means of engendering conflict among the mass of people
because of a stand with respect to Negroes which is not compatible with
the position attained by the Negro in civilian life. This principle must
necessarily govern the Army not only with this subject of contention but
with respect to other dogma
be it religious, political, or economic. The Army is not a sociological
laboratory; to be effective it must be organized and trained according
to the principles which will insure success. Experiments, to meet the
wishes and demands of the champions of every race and creed for the solution
of their problems are a danger to efficiency, discipline and morale and
would result in ultimate defeat.13
-
- The editors, comparing this presentation
with General Marshall's, were appalled. They attacked the position outlined.
In their discussions they pointed out that whether it wished to or not,
an army carried within itself certain social forces. They took the phrase
"The Army is not a sociological laboratory" and used it as a
cynical summation of Army policy. They contended that current practices
extended segregation and prejudices to sections of the country where such
patterns had not formerly existed. They took Colonel Householder's statement
to mean that the Army had no intention of modifying its racial practices.
They took General Marshall's statement to mean that, on the contrary,
change within the Army was not only possible but desirable. General Marshall's,
as the more hopeful and more responsible attitude, was the one they chose
to accept, though they could not ignore the implication that it might
not be shared by all of his subordinates.
-
- The announcement of the new division
for Negroes was headlined by most of the Negro papers as the biggest news
coming out of the meeting. But the assembled editors interpreted the con-
- [142]
- ference's main significance to
be that more serious consideration of the Negro's position in the Army
by its responsible chiefs would bring "steady but slow improvement,"
as an editor of the Pittsburgh Courier expressed it. He explained:
-
- This does not mean that all desires
of the Negro citizen are to be favorably acted upon immediately. It does
not mean that segregation in the Army is going to vanish overnight [nor
does it mean that the Army has been persuaded that] now is the time to
begin planning to abolish segregation .... [General Marshall's statement]
means of course, that the directing head of the War Department and the
United States Army knows about our problem, is personally interested in
it and personally desires that restrictions against the advancement of
the Negro soldier be lifted.
-
- I think General Marshall was honest
when he made the statement. I think that his present attitude, in the
light of the past, represents an improvement due to greater knowledge
of our problem and greater understanding. I think that General Marshall's
attitude, so far as we're concerned, is growing better and better.14
-
- Or, as the Norfolk Journal and
Guide put it:
-
- It was the general consensus of
those attending the conference that a surprisingly new outlook was vouchsafed
by key men in the War Department setup, that they seem more open-minded
to a new deal in relation to the Colored American in the armed forces,
and have actually initiated some fundamental changes without a lot of
fanfare.15
-
- Not all papers reacted so favorably.
The Chicago Defender stated editorially that:
-
- Mr. Hastie, though a very capable
gentleman, has no appreciable authority and scarcely any influence with
the big wigs of the War Department. He can make no commitments, and he
cannot explain away the segregative and discriminatory practices to which
the high officials of his own department are clinging. What then is the
purpose of this conference? It is an obvious attempt to appease belligerent
Negro editors who have taken a critical view of the whole panorama of
national defense.16
-
- The conference may "properly
be placed in a compartment and marked `File and Forget,' " the Newark,
New Jersey, Herald-News commented, for . . . it convinced no one, not
already convinced, that racial segregation or color proscriptions have
any place in the official policy of a nation dedicated to the defense
of democracy and democratic institutions." 17
-
- During the discussions of the
assembled editors, Claude A. Barnett, director of the Associated Negro
Press, suggested that if the process of integrating Negroes into units
as individuals was hampered by personal objections and prejudices of white
and Negro soldiers, the Army might open one or more units on a volunteer
basis to those Negroes and whites who would prefer service in a non-segregated
unit. A few weeks after the conference, Walter White of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People, "emboldened . . . by your
statement [of] your personal dissatisfaction with the progress made to
date with respect to integration of Negroes into the United States Army,"
took this suggestion and offered the aid of his organization to General
Marshall for the formation of a volunteer divi-
- [143]
- sion "open to all irrespective
of race, creed, color or national origin." Citing correspondence
received by his organization and others "from all parts of the United
States including the South," White stated that authorization for
such a unit would "serve as a tremendous lift to the morale of the
Negro which at present is at a dangerously low ebb. We are convinced that
it also would have tremendous psychological effect upon white Americans
and it would give the lie to the attacks made by Nazi Germany and other
Axis powers to the effect that the United States talks about democracy
but practices racial discrimination and segregation." 18
-
- White's letter was referred in
a routine manner to The Adjutant General by an assistant secretary of
the General Staff. In the meantime, White wrote a second letter to General
Marshall, correcting an erroneous reference to a regiment in his first
letter when he had intended to write "division" and suggesting
that since he was to be in Washington in January perhaps a conference
to discuss his proposal could be arranged.19
The Adjutant General answered in what was essentially a form letter:
-
- The Chief of Staff has requested
that I acknowledge receipt of your letter of January 2, 1942, relative
to the organization of a volunteer division of the Army open to all without
respect to race or color, and requesting a conference with regards to
the matter.
-
- The War Department does not contemplate
the organization of a division such as suggested,
and consequently a conference on the subject is not deemed necessary.20
-
- This reply caused Walter White
and the Negro editors to believe that the program presented at the 8 December
conference had been another case of the War Department's using a public
approach different from the private path it intended to pursue, a path
which would not lead to any real change in the status of Negro participation
in the war. The Assistant Secretary of War, John J. McCloy, informed of
the unfavorable reaction, suggested in a note to Maj. Gen. Emory S. Adams,
The Adjutant General:
-
- There have been some repercussions
resulting from what has been considered to be the undue curtness of the
reply of January 8 to Walter White, Secretary of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People. I have not the slightest doubt
of the unwisdom of having any such unit as was proposed in White's letter
to Marshall, but I am inclined to think that in the future it may be advisable
to handle these matters by an interview. Of course, it isn't necessary
that General Marshall should take part in any such interview but some
officer might well do so. I am told that the very good effect which General
Marshall's appearance before the negro editors made has been somewhat
dissipated by this letter and some failure to act on several other much
less objectionable requests put forward by judge Hastie.
-
- I am sending this down to you
merely because your name was on the letter. I have no doubt that it was
drafted elsewhere and merely sent out by you as a routine matter, but
I thought you might be able to trace it.21
- [144]
- General Adams sent a copy of the
McCloy note to Lt. Col. James W. Boyer, Jr., of the Miscellaneous Division,
Adjutant General's Office. Colonel Boyer had been in frequent consultation
with the Hastie office and with members of the Negro press. He had helped
draft many letters to White. In a memorandum for General Adams, Boyer
detailed a complex of reactions to the situation representative of the
position of many of those administrative officers who had to deal daily
with the matter of the employment of Negroes in the Army:
-
- 2. I yield to no one in the War
Department in the matter of tolerance for the Negro. I have dealt on a
most pleasant basis with judge Hastie, not only on the basis of the relationship
of his position in the War Department, but on the basis that he himself
is a fine and intelligent person. Incidentally, I know of no failure to
act on requests put forward by judge Hastie. All of his requests have
had expedited service
- so far as I know.
- 3. The War Department is confronted,
however, with a condition that bids fair to be insidious, even cancerous.
Judge Hastie makes no bones about it that "the time for minorities
to make their gains is the time of national emergency." With utmost
frankness, then, it is the purpose of judge Hastie and his backers to
advance the colored people as a race at the expense of the Army. Not satisfied
with any gain, and there have been many, he intends to go from one disputed
point to another. When the War Department recedes from an announced position
he is prepared to submit some other equally debatable issue. While many
of these issues are small in themselves, the cumulative effect is being
felt throughout the War Department among those who deal with Negro problems.
Incident after incident could be recounted wherein he has demonstrated
willful persistence in breaking down the Department's long considered
policies.
- 4. Of course, judge Hastie considers
himself a representative of the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People first, and a representative of the War Department second.
I do not believe that he has helped solve any problem of significance
but has created them. I believe that the Secretary of War should know
that this is true.
- 5. With respect to Mr. White,
the letters addressed to him may have been curt. His letters to the War
Department have been increasingly insolent on subjects which are of no
concern to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
Should Mr. White be justified in his action, so also could be the Jewish
Welfare Board or an association of the Japanese-American, or any other
group, social or otherwise, set up to be special pleaders for minority
causes. It is inconceivable that any other minority would be treated with
such tolerance. Should the National Commander of the American Legion address
the Department as White has done, he would receive scant consideration.
- 6. I can see no useful purpose
in any officer dissipating his time to discuss with Mr. White or anyone
else the creation of a volunteer division composed of whites and Negroes.
There may be some super-tolerant people that would join a Negro outfit
but their numbers would be few. Other whites that would join a Negro outfit
would be of the same class of whites that would live in a Negro community.
This Judge Hastie knows and admits and he does nothing to cut down useless
and persistent correspondence on the subject.22
-
- The ideas here expressed were
not held by one officer alone. They were a fair reflection of the resentment
to Hastie which had grown within the War Department. It had affected many
of the objections to attempts to achieve changes in the employment of
Negro troops. As early as the spring of
- [145]
- 1941, G-1 observed that judge
Hastie, through his personal contacts with War Department officers and
through his desire to "extend his activities to corps areas and troop
units," 23
had succeeded in securing numerous concessions. "If this action is
continued the whole program may get out of hand," the Personnel Division
feared. 24
-
- Gradually, during 1941, Hastie
began to be left out of consultation on issues affecting Negroes which
arose within the department. He was not told, for example, of the decision
to establish a separate school for Negro quartermaster trainees at Hampton
Institute. When he discovered that this school had been authorized, Hastie
objected to it and, finding that he was too late, urged that it as well
as all other schools be opened to both Negroes and whites. Nor was he
consulted on the removal of the 54th Coast Artillery from Camp Wallace,
near Galveston, upon the request of white and over the objections of Negro
citizens. Galveston, he observed, was as good a town as any for Negro
troops. "I wish again to emphasize the fact," he reminded Under
Secretary Patterson, "that the principal usefulness of this office
is destroyed if we are not consulted with reference to such matters."
25
-
- At times notations with the force
of "Not to be shown to judge Hastie" were attached to papers
dealing with phases of Negro troop utilization. A draft letter prepared
by several officers of The Adjutant General's Office and of the
G-1 Division in September 1941, for example, carried an appended note:
"G-1 in passing upon this proposed letter, urged that it not be coordinated
with the Office of the Civilian Aide, Judge Hastie . . . ." 26
The draft was in reply to an Office of Civilian Defense request for information
on the question of Negro civilian morale as reflected by conditions in
the Army, a matter which President Roosevelt wished to discuss with Mayor
Fiorello H. La Guardia, then Director of Civilian Defense. This request
was forwarded to the Civilian Aide by the Morale Branch. In the absence
of judge Hastie, Truman K. Gibson, Hastie's assistant, referred it to
The Adjutant General's Office, which urged that "no such requests
should be complied with unless they are channeled to this office through
the Office of the Administrative Assistant." The reply, as drafted,
developed a rationale of Negro Army relations based on the idea that subversive
activities against the Army were central to the current pressure tactics
of Negroes:
-
- It is well known, of course, that
the Negro population has been a focal point of subversive agitation. It
has appeared that this agitation has crystallized in several instances
against War Department policies respecting the non-mingling of Negroes
with other troops. Additionally, there has been agitation against sending
Negro soldiers to southern camps where undoubtedly there exists a traditional
dislike of "black Yankees" . . . .
-
- As you are of course aware, the
handling of the Negro in the Army will be, at all times, a problem. There
are now in service nearly 8o,000 Negroes, many of whom cannot be profitably
employed in the
- [146]
- service excepting as labor troops.
This is due to the low average mentality. However, in response to urgings
upon the War Department, they are now represented in every major branch
of the Army, including the Air Corps. No effort has been spared to provide
equal opportunity and accommodations, for the Negro soldier.
-
- It is doubtful that there will
be any simple solution. Many leaders of the Negro race agitate for more
and more consideration, far beyond the capabilities of their people. Cleverly,
they seek to create problems rather than obviate them, "Why should
Negroes be segregated from whites?" "Why should Negro regiments
have any white officers?" "Why should the War Department permit
enforcement of state laws relative to segregation in southern states?"
As one question is disposed of, another takes its place inspired by inflammatory
reasoning.
-
- While the events which have so
far transpired have been scattered, there appears to be underlying all
such events a pattern of centralized stimulation. The fact that to date
there has been comparative lack of conflict among the large bulk of 80,000
Negroes in service is because, perhaps, that there has been good common
sense used by the Negroes themselves. Commanders of cantonments in the
field, it is felt, are zealously endeavoring to meet the situation ....
-
- It should be understood that the
Negro is not the only problem confronting the War Department, because
there are a variety of other special pleaders who set up specious claims
that they too are being discriminated against as a class. Among the latter
are those in specialized professions such as chiropracters, osteopaths,
naturopaths, pharmacists, male nurses, barbers, etc., who have organized
their efforts much after the pattern of the Negro agitators to claim special
recognition ....
-
- Those Negro leaders who seek to
prove discrimination because of color employ special pleading for a race
which as a class, has not as yet the attained mental equipment to be employed
in military functions other than those where brawn is prerequisite.
-
- The opportunities for this group
have reached a point of saturation.27
-
- The points of view of judge Hastie
and his supporters were clearly at variance with those of many of the
officers in the War Department who had to deal with policy decisions on
the employment of Negro troops. What to Hastie appeared to be a minimal
approach to symbolic democracy, became to many of those with whom he was
attempting to work a plot to change the existing American social structure
and a threat to the Army's system of military discipline. What to officers
in the War Department appeared to be a logical and rational solution to
a difficult problem, based on civilian precedent backed by years of experience,
appeared to Hastie to be a perversion and extension by the Military Establishment
of the least desirable features of Negro-white civilian relations and
a willful disregard of the more advanced and workable solutions to racial
problems being practiced in civilian life.
-
- In the resulting stalemate, the
basic organization of Negro troops remained unchanged and untouched, while
the questions raised concerning the efficiency of this organization continued
to vex the War Department.
-
-
- Discussion of the proposals made
in the Hastie Survey did not cease with
- [147]
- the December letter from the Chief
of Staff or with the December conference between the Under Secretary of
War and the Deputy Chief of Staff. In subsequent conferences, judge Patterson
and Judge Hastie continued to explore the possibilities of action on those
phases of the proposals which had not been acted upon and upon which agreement
might be reached. Among the proposals for further employment of Negroes
adopted by January 1942 were the use of Negro military police in areas
where there were Negro troops and the constitution of a Negro division,
considered a feasible partial solution to the problem of scattered small
units. Once the activation of the initial division was confirmed, Hastie
favored the formation of additional large units. It was understood that
small units would be shifted to posts where more Negro troops and, therefore,
better physical and recreational facilities were located. The main questions
affecting organization which remained unanswered were those of the continued
increase of Negro strength and the employment of Negroes in the Air Forces.
"Although the Air Force is advertising for men, Negroes are not taken
except for special Negro units which were filled long ago," Judge
Patterson wrote to General Bryden. "Perhaps an additional Negro Air
squadron should be formed," he suggested.28
-
- On 13 January, Judge Hastie, Judge
Patterson, and Secretary Stimson conferred once more. Again the questions
of consolidating small detached Negro units, the constitution of additional
Air units, and the provision of an increased number of units generally
to absorb Selective Service's excess Negroes were discussed. Stimson mentioned
the suitability of Negro soldiers for operations in the tropics. Patterson
and Hastie urged the announcement of the formation of an additional division
or of several regiments. Hastie linked the scarcity of Negro officer candidates,
a matter then under discussion by the Negro press and public, to the existence
of small detached units which did not regularly receive quotas for officer
candidate training. Without getting support from the Secretaries, he again
urged the beginning of integration of Negroes and whites, even in the
smallest way.29
-
- Action on the matters discussed
and agreed upon was slow. Hastie, in the meantime, produced a critical
examination of the 1942 Troop Basis. "I have now been permitted,"
he informed the Under Secretary on 5 February, "to examine so much
of the troop unit basis for 1942 as embraces Combat Divisions, Army Troops,
Corps Troops, GHQ Reserve Troops, Harbor Defense Units, Military Police
Units, and Tank Destroyer Battalions . . . . The Secretary of War, has
announced that about 175,000 more Negroes] will be added to the Army in
1942 . . . . A study by G-3 contemplates the addition of some 240,000
Negro soldiers, as contrasted with the number of 175,000 mentioned by
The Secretary. But there is no organizational structure yet approved for
the 175,000 new men." 30
-
- To Hastie, the "one element
of ad-
- [148]
- vancement" in the 1942 Troop
Basis was the inclusion of Negroes in divisions. He considered this "the
most effective method for modifying the present pattern of placing Negroes
in scattered, small units." He criticized the continued increase
of Negroes in the Quartermaster Corps "in which dispersion of small
units is most extreme"; the provision of 11 percent Negroes in the
Medical Corps, "practically all of them in Sanitary Companies"
with "no white Sanitary Companies whatever"; and the concentration
of Negroes in engineer general service regiments and in "scattered"
ammunition companies. "Certainly," he wrote, "the Negro
soldier should do his full share of manual, unskilled labor, but the cited
examples represent an unreasonable preponderance, in some places the exclusive
assignment of Negroes to functions of this type." Finally, pointing
out that the Selective Service backlog of un-inducted Negroes who remained
at the top of the selectee lists "invites court action by any white
selectee chosen for induction ahead of eligible Negroes whose name precedes
his," he urged that provision be made for a larger absorption of
Negroes by the Army, by the Navy, or by both services.31
-
- A week later Deputy Chief of Staff
Bryden informed Under Secretary Patterson that it was deemed impracticable
to assemble small Negro units because of the nature of the functions they
performed. "To assemble them would result in an excess of these elements
at the places where assembled and would require replacement by similar
white service elements," he indicated. A letter
to the field on the equal treatment of soldiers, regardless of race; instructions
insuring an opportunity for every soldier to apply for officer candidate
training; assurance that Negroes equaling the population percentages would
be taken into the Army; and assurance that new combat units would be activated
were included in General Bryden's report of plans.32
-
- To Hastie's criticisms of the
current troop basis, General Bryden later replied that the distribution
of Negroes to ground units, to air and air service units, and to miscellaneous
categories compared favorably with the white distribution. Of 338,000
Negroes provided for, 177,000 (53 percent) were allocated to ground units;
78,000 (23 percent) to the Army Air Forces and services; 82,000 (24 percent)
to miscellaneous categories. These percentages compared favorably with
white percentages of 48, 27, and 24. Bryden pointed out that the War Department
had endeavored to employ Negro manpower in types of units proved suitable
for Negroes and also in other types where they might be expected to develop
to desired standards. He added:
-
- In spite of the fact that American
battle experience has indicated a battle efficiency of Negro divisions
below that required-as well as below that demonstrated by white divisions-the
current troop basis includes two complete Negro divisions . . . . It has,
however, been found necessary to assign Negroes in considerable numbers
to small units in which specialist and intelligence requirements are not
exacting. Those small units, generally carried in GHQ Reserve, are necessary
for the proper support of divisions in combat. The term "reserve"
- [149]
- does not mean that they will not
be employed in active combat . . . .33
-
- The difficulties of finding locations
for large Negro units and the possibility that they might not be useful
overseas, the failure of Selective Service deferments to equalize the
eligible white and Negro selectees on the basis of population percentages,
the failure of the Navy to take its share of Negroes, and the desirability
of having the troop basis reflect actual needs were all cited as factors
contributing to the department's problem. General Bryden stressed, moreover,
that "with the advent of actual War the primary responsibility of
the War Department is to conclude the building of an Army which can operate
when and where needed at maximum effectiveness. It is obvious, in times
as critical as these, the needs of the Nation must transcend the favored
consideration of any particular group." 34
-
- The explanations and detailed
justifications for War Department policies in the employment of Negro
troops, delivered almost ad seriatium and in almost identical
terms, were not convincing evidence to Hastie that the Army had done all
that it could. He renewed his recommendations from time to time, citing
new evidence in support of his resubmissions. Many of Hastie's strictures
on current organizational policies as they affected the over-all efficiency
of Negro troops came to have obvious foundation in fact as the year wore
on. As more and more Negroes entered the Army and as more and more of
them appeared destined for units of limited apparent value, discussions
of the "Negro problem" became more frequent. No one had as yet
made an official statement on the matter, but the attempt to distribute
Negroes proportionately was proving considerably more difficult than had
been apparent in paper plans; moreover the simple physical problem of
the intake of proportionate numbers of Negroes without regard to their
proportionate distribution was proving to be an onerous administrative
burden.
-
-
- Seeking a method of employing
not only a proportionate but any number of Negroes that might become available,
the War Plans Division in March 1942 prepared a study which showed that
using Negroes exclusively in certain types of noncombatant units could
have increased by 26.2 percent the number of Negroes employed in ground
units in the 1942 Troop Basis. Although this study was not sent to the
Chief of Staff as originally intended, it presented several arguments
for consideration in future planning which were pertinent to what the
War Plans Division felt to be "the most effective use of colored
manpower above and beyond population percentage." These suggestions
were formulated with two ends in view:
-
- 1. Release of white manpower from
noncombatant units to make available the greatest possible percentage
of reliable troops for combat units.
- 2. To permit the deferment of
the maximum number of skilled defense workers consistent with the balanced
requirements of an army of any given figure.35
- [150]
- These considerations were to figure
heavily in later discussions and in action taken. But the chief innovation
suggested was the proposal to abandon the 10 percent quota in favor of
a maximum use of Negroes in the Army by concentrating the employment of
Negro troops in the services.
-
- The study, recognizing "the
necessity for a certain number of colored tactical units (due to unavoidable
reasons) ," proceeded on the assumption that holding Negro combat
units to the percentages already set up for 1 942 would allow additional
Negroes to be usefully employed in service units to an extent greater
than their percentage in the population. The best men, of whom larger
numbers would be expected in this increased number of Negroes drafted,
could then be placed in the combat units, releasing sub-marginal personnel
for the service units. In its emphasis upon highly selected men for combat
units the plan had overtones of older "elite unit" suggestions
and of later "selective screening" proposals.
-
- The plan envisioned the use of
Negroes exclusively in all quartermaster port, bakery, laundry, sterilization
and bath, mobile shoe and textile, refrigeration, salvage collecting,
service, railhead, gasoline supply, and car units; in all engineer depot,
general service, separate, water supply, and air base units; in all medical
sanitation units; and in all chemical decontamination, depot, and impregnating
companies.36
-
- In addition to advocating the
use of these units for Negro personnel, the plan proposed the creation
of two new types of units to absorb Negroes: station maintenance companies,
to be used for "policing areas now the responsibility of tactical
units, for fighting range fires, for landscaping and grading, and for
such other duties as would vitiate the tactical training or specialized
functions of other units"; and metropolitan service companies, to
be used to "move office furnishings, fixtures and supplies around
cities and large headquarters, and generally to make Army installations
lacking sufficient organic service troops independent of unskilled civilian
labor without diverting the time and energies of skilled headquarters
personnel." 37
-
- Had the plan been submitted and
approved, it would have accomplished more than the stated release of white
manpower for combat units and the further deferment of skilled workers.
It would have made possible the employment of a larger number of Negroes,
estimated at 861,000 by the end of 1943. This number would have been 171,600
over the flat 10 percent figure. It would have provided a partial guarantee
of the continuity of the Negro combat units. Under this plan, it would
not only have been possible to supply the combat units with higher caliber
men from the increased draft but it might also have been unnecessary to
strip the combat units for personnel for critically needed service units
in 1943, since a large reserve of
men available for use in orthodox service units could have been obtained
from the proposed "station" and
- [151]
- "metropolitan" service
units. Moreover, the plan would have lessened later difficulties encountered
in the deployment of Negro troops overseas, for theater commanders requisitioning
needed service units would have had no choice except to take Negro organizations
if they were the only ones of their types available in the Army.
-
- The plan had several major drawbacks.
It ignored the War Department's public position, still being reiterated,
that Negroes would be used more extensively in all arms and services and
the corollary policy that no type of unit would be exclusively white or
Negro. It violated the principle that the number of Negroes employed by
the Army would be proportionate to their numbers in the registered population,
a maximum beyond which few in the Army were willing to go and one which
the Army was experiencing considerable difficulty in reaching. It assumed
that the provision of types of units into which men of relatively lower
vocational and educational experience ought to fit would be successful,
regardless of the leadership, officer and noncommissioned, that was supplied.
But since the plan did not get beyond the War Plans Division, it had no
formal effect upon the major department-wide discussions of the employment
of Negro troops in 1942. It can nevertheless be considered a straw in
the wind for the renewal, in 1943, of proposals that the majority of Negro
troops be placed in the services of supply, and for the growing conviction
that Negro troops should be employed in ways that would release white
troops for combat and technical duties.
-
-
- The third set of suggestions involving
major changes in policy-greater than any that judge Hastie or the War
Plans Division had suggested-came in the fall of 1942 when the 1943 Troop
Basis was taking final form. The chief of the Organization-Mobilization
Group of G-3, Col. Edwin W. Chamberlain, proposed an end to the further
activation of Negro units.
-
- Accepting the point of view that
Negroes in the mass, as shown by classification test scores, were less
able and less useful to the Army than whites in the mass, and that the
Army in 1943, especially in the face of the refusal of the naval services
to take their full share, would be forced to take an even larger proportion
of Negroes, Colonel Chamberlain argued that separate units resulted in
a considerable waste of manpower, funds, and equipment. Negro selectees,
with their poor backgrounds, could not continue to attempt to man needed
units effectively. Friction between white and Negro troops, Chamberlain
believed, was "aggravated if not caused in its entirety by segregation
practices both within and without the Army." The War Department policy
of creating units in order to provide assignments for Negro personnel,
coupled with the limitations which lower qualifications placed on the
number and variety of Negro units, would produce "insurmountable"
difficulties in 1943. Then, if the policy was continued and if the Army
was required to induct its full proportion of Negroes while the Navy continued
to take few, 21 percent of the planned augmentation would be Negro.
- [152]
- To continue to place these men
in special units not vital to the prosecution of the war or in normal
units which could not be expected to come up to the highest standards
was a waste of manpower. Both the friction and the waste could be avoided
if Negroes were placed in otherwise white units in the ratio of one Negro
to nine whites. Colonel Chamberlain admitted that his proposal would be
"abhorrent to those who view the situation only superficially since
it bears the earmarks of the integration of Negroes with whites-a thing
to which WD policy has long been opposed," but he felt that closer
study would convince "reasonable men" that the solution was
"no more integration of the white and colored races than is the employment
of Negroes as servants in a white household." 38
-
- If current registration proportions
continued, 89 of the average 100 men received from Selective Service in
1943 would be white and l l would be Negro. On the basis of current AGCT
performances, Chamberlain
- determined the 100 would divide
as follows:
-
Group |
White |
Negro |
Superior (Grade I) |
7 |
0 |
Above Average (Grade II) |
26 |
1 |
Average (Grade III) |
29 |
2 |
Below Average (Grade IV) |
19 |
3 |
Inferior (Grade V) |
8 |
5 |
|
89 |
11 |
-
- The whole number of Negroes below
Grade III in the average 100 would be considerably fewer than the whole
number of whites. Negro selectees would be assigned to units by normal
reception center classification. The eight out of eleven in below average
classifications could be used as the cooks, orderlies, chauffeurs, truck
drivers, kitchen police, and basics who made up from to to 20 percent
of the strength of the average unit. "It should be borne in mind,"
Chamberlain continued, "that the assignment of the Negro to these
lesser tasks comes about wholly through the natural selection-based on
his capabilities-incident to the organization of a new unit from 100 men
delivered more or less at random from reception centers." 39
The remaining Negroes with demonstrated average and better qualifications
could be transferred to existing Negro units. Their abilities could be
used to provide a gradual improvement in these units, increasing their
employability and, at the same time, providing an outlet for the ambitions
and capabilities of the better qualified men.
-
- Negroes who complained of discrimination,
Chamberlain felt, could not object to a solution that assigned a soldier
wholly on the basis of his capabilities as determined by universally administered
tests and that, at the same time, increased the possibility of Negro participation
in the war effort. While he conceded that the plan was "radical"
and that it would be "difficult to sell both in the WD and to the
country at large," Colonel Chamberlain concluded that "either
a solution such as the one proposed must be adopted or we must reconcile
ourselves to the fact that we face a loss in equivalent manpower in the
order of three quarters of a million men."40
-
- This proposal was sent by Brig.
Gen.
- [153]
- Idwal H. Edwards, the Assistant
Chief of Staff, G-3, to several of the officers and agencies immediately
concerned, including the Deputy Chief of Staff, the Operations Division,
the new Advisory Committee on Negro Troop Policies, and the commanding
generals of the Air, Ground, and Service Forces. Army Ground Forces was
vitally concerned about the matter, since its combat units, seriously
under their proportions of Negroes, would be directly affected. Its reactions
were therefore a notable gauge both of the range of dissatisfaction with
existing troop organization as it affected Negro soldiers and of the force
of objections to proposals for the individual integration of Negroes into
the Army. These reactions illustrated, as well, the recognition within
the Army that there were more desirable methods of organization than the
one being pursued.
-
- Aside from the general reaction
that cooks, chauffeurs, and truck drivers could not necessarily be provided
from low scoring men ("the jobs either require schooling or the passing
of an aptitude test, neither of which grade 5 men are capable of doing,"
Ground G-4 wrote 41)
, reactions in the Ground staff ranged from flat refusal to consider the
proposals seriously to careful studies of portions of the plan considered
useful. Ground G-3 wrote:
-
- There is no more reason why the
two races can live closely together in the Army than in the Navy. If white
and colored can live together in a company they can live together on a
battle ship. The proposal involves a great deal more integration "than
does the employment of negroes as servants in a white household."
. . . I believe we should state that the proposal is inadvisable due to
the certainty that internal strife, dissension, and lowered morale would
result.42
-
- Ground G-4 commented further that
the time had come to return to the plan of attaching Negro regiments to
white divisions: "This will accomplish the same result as is indicated
in the basic memo without the integration and will assure a proportionate
share of battle casualties." 43
The Ground Plans Division argued that the integration of individuals into
white companies would be no more successful than it had been in the Civilian
Conservation Corps and that if a new plan were adopted it should be such
that it could be used throughout the Army. The Plans Division proposed
a scheme based on General Rommel's method for mixing Italian units with
German troops. According to this proposal, the following units in each
division would have Negro enlisted men and white officers: quartermaster
battalions, service companies, and service batteries; one rifle company
in each infantry battalion; one firing battery in each artillery battalion;
one company in each engineer battalion; one company in each tank battalion
of armored divisions. Of non-divisional combat units, go percent could
be mixed in the same manner, using all white officers; lo percent of the
separate combat battalions could be all Negro except for officers. Thirty
percent of the non-technical service units, such as service battalions
and truck regiments, could be Negro with Negro officers; all officer candidates
for
- [154]
- these units would be chosen from
among noncommissioned officers of the first four grades who had demonstrated
their leadership abilities for a period of six months.44
-
- General McNair, in the final answer
of Army Ground Forces, limited his acceptance to the idea which he had
espoused before: that separate Negro battalions for attachment to other
units of similar types should be the solution. In presenting his reaction
to the proposal, General McNair restated the major objections to proposals
for integration as thoroughly as the War Department staff had done a year
before:
-
- 2. I agree with you [General Edwards,
War Department G-3] that we must treat the problem of utilizing the negro
from the purely military viewpoint.
- 3. I am unalterably opposed to
the incorporation of negroes in small units with white soldiers. Inevitably,
such action would weaken the unit, since it would introduce men of comparatively
low intelligence. We have a sufficiency of such men among white soldiers.
A commander in the field disposes his forces principally according to,
(1) the task ahead and (2) the capabilities of the units in connection
with
- such tasks. Decisive operations
usually call for specialized units at critical points. Weaker units can
be disposed where their weakness will cause no serious ill effects. The
introduction of negroes throughout our fighting units would tend to leave
a commander with no outstanding units.
- 4. In this war, shipping is the
bottleneck of our military effort. It is entirely likely that we shall
not be able to exert our maximum effort on account of shipping. It follows
that we must see to it that every shipload of troops has the maximum of
fighting power. Shipping should not be wasted on mediocrity.
- 5. It is appreciated that the
negro problem must be solved, since it can not be disregarded. We already
are placing negroes in service and auxiliary units to the maximum, and
this practice, of course, should be continued. As to combat units, we
are forming two infantry divisions wholly of negroes-the 92d and gad divisions.
The
- basic memorandum proposes a solution
diametrically opposed to these two divisions. I agree that a colored division
is too great a concentration of negroes to be effective, and feel that
an intermediate solution would
be better than either of these two extremes.
- 6. The proposal to eliminate the
regimental echelon for all units except the infantry is believed sound.
In fact, there is much to recommend the battalion as the fighting unit
of infantry; the British Army employs such an organization. If the size
of negro combat units were limited to separate battalions they would be
fully suitable for
- battle employment, yet the organization
would permit the maximum of flexibility in such employment. They could
be put in here and there where the situation was such that they could
be useful and effective. It is
- believed that a policy along this
line would solve satisfactorily the social problems involved and minimize
the military difficulties.
- 7. I favor:
- a. The maximum
workable proportion of colored troops in service and auxiliary units.
- b. Colored
combat units not larger than a battalion, organized so as to be self-administered.45
-
- A variant in the Chamberlain plan
was proposed by G-3 in the spring of 1943.46
This proposal was primarily
- an attempt to spread Negro laboring
personnel over a wider area of usefulness and to overcome the problem
of obtaining adequate technical and supervisory
- [155]
- leadership for Negro service units.
White and Negro enlisted men would be combined in units whose battalion
headquarters and headquarters companies contained white technical and
supervisory personnel-specialists and noncommissioned officers-while the
remaining companies used Negro supervisory and laboring personnel. All
specialists for these units were to be white; Negro supervisory leadership
was to come from men no longer needed in the technical positions in battalion
headquarters. General hospitals with Negro sanitary companies and port
battalions with white operating companies and Negro stevedore companies
were suggested examples of how this plan would work.
-
- Army Ground Forces G-1, in considering
this proposal, added another possibility: Negro service companies or battalions
could be attached to white units such as engineer general service regiments
or quartermaster salvage and repair depots, thus relieving white "laboring"
strength for use elsewhere. Other Ground Forces staff divisions, including
the Ground G-3, Medical, Ordnance, Signal, Chemical, and Quartermaster
sections, did not concur. "The result, if started in Ground Force
units, would be amalgamation of the Negro enlisted personnel," Army
Ground Forces explained.47
-
- Army Service Forces branches were
no happier over the new G-3 proposal. The Corps of Engineers observed
that such an experiment might work in its separate battalions but nowhere
else. Engineer functions, the corps pointed out,
did not require "hand labor" except in those cases where the
proper associated services had not furnished enough manpower, thereby
causing engineer units to be taken away from construction projects while
their equipment stood idle. If anything, the engineer separate battalions,
"a relic of I g I 7," should be reorganized to include more
equipment and specialists or abolished outright. Where separate battalions
were converted to general service regiments, the change had had "a
marked effect on the efficiency of the colored units concerned even though
a large percentage of the men are in grades IV and V in intelligence rating.
It has been possible to select and train machinery operators and other
specialists satisfactorily when given the necessary time," the Engineers
reported. In no event would the Engineers recommend the assignment of
white noncommissioned officers to Negro units. "To do so will make
it almost impossible to develop organizational esprit among the colored
men since they would have no opportunities for advancement. The matter
of discrimination also enters," the corps added.48
The Transportation Corps considered the proposal workable "altho
it would destroy the morale of almost any unit if working sections were
denied [a] chance for grades and rates in Headquarters." On the other
hand, by careful selection, training, and supervision, and by the addition
of heavy lift experts from the headquarters and headquarters com-
- [156]
- pany and from mobile port headquarters,
Negro battalions as presently organized would operate as well as white
battalions, the Transportation Corps believed 49
With both service and ground combat branches opposed, the proposal was
abandoned.
-
-
- Most subsequent proposals for
changes in the organization of Negro troops or other matters of Army-wide
policy affecting Negroes were channeled through a new medium, the Advisory
Committee on Negro Troop Policies, formed on 27 August 1942 with the Assistant
Secretary of War, John J. McCloy, as chairman.50
The appointment of this committee came as a surprise to judge Hastie and
to Under Secretary Patterson. Not only was Hastie not appointed to the
committee, but nearly a month had passed when he informed judge Patterson
that he had heard indirectly that it had been organized. "This was
news to me," Patterson told McCloy, "although I have been charged
with discussion of matters concerning negroes
with judge Hastie. The creation of this board, without notice to him or
participation by him, has caused him a good deal of uneasiness, and it
is one of the factors that has led him to question his usefulness as Special
Aide to the Secretary of War on Negro Affairs. As you know, he has indicated
before that he would like to resign and he has again told me that he does
not believe he is accomplishing anything of a useful nature." 51
To the War Council, Patterson reported that Hastie had been constructive
and helpful and that his resignation would be most unfortunate.52
After discussing the matter with Hastie, Patterson reported to Stimson
similarly, saying: "I had not heard of the establishment of the committee
until I received Hastie's letter, and I was not in a position to tell
him what the purpose of the committee was. I can understand his feeling
that his usefulness has been impaired." 53
-
- Of the exact purpose of the committee,
Secretary McCloy did not profess to be certain. It was indicated that,
since it was made up primarily of military men, including two assistant
chiefs of staff, the group would concern itself "strictly with military
problems in the use of negro troops and that the broader social problems
were only incidentally involved." 54
The committee had been formed as a result of a recommendation made by
G-1 in July, approved by the Chief of Staff on 30 July, and by the
- [157]
- Secretary of War on 25 August
1942.55
The recommendation grew out of the reports of Col. Elliot D. Cooke of
The Inspector General's Department, who, in the spring of 1942, made an
extensive tour of posts, camps, and bases having Negro troops. Colonel
Cooke found varying practices and policies with respect to the command
of Negro troops at the many places visited.56
As a result, G-1 proposed the appointment of a permanent War Department
committee of officers "who, informed by experience, can evaluate
racial incidents, proposed social reforms, and questions involving the
training and use of negroes, male and female, in terms of an intimate
understanding of War Department policies." 57
-
- The suggested committee was to
consist of a representative of each division of the General Staff, the
Army Ground Forces, the Army Air Forces, the Services of Supply, the Chief
of Engineers, The Quartermaster General, The Surgeon General, and the
Women's Army Auxiliary Corps. G-1 proposed further that a white man "who
is an outstanding leader in the mechanical and industrial education of
young negro men, for example, the President of Hampton Institute"
be appointed as adviser to this special committee. The committee as proposed
was considered too large; the recommendation as approved by the Chief
of Staff carried the provision that the
committee "be kept small and headed by Mr. McCloy." 58
-
- The chairman of the new committee,
reflecting opinion that had grown within the War Department during the
past few months, had already expressed his view of the nature of the Army's
racial problem. Earlier in the summer, after a discussion of the attitude
of the Negro press and organizations toward the war and the Army, Hastie
informed Secretary McCloy that he was disturbed "that you seem to
have been persuaded (I) that Negroes should not agitate for the elimination
of undemocratic practices at home during these critical times; and (2)
that the continuation of such agitation would do more harm than good."
When these matters were discussed from time to time, Hastie continued,
he hoped that the Assistant Secretary would point out "the basic
issues of this war and the impossibility of foreclosing those issues at
home while we stir people up to fight for them all over the world."
59
To this McCloy replied:
-
- I think I probably ought to state
in writing what my attitude is. Of course, there is no group in the country
that should not agitate for the elimination of undemocratic practices.
Like sin, everyone is against undemocratic practices. What I urge upon
the Negro press is to lessen their emphasis upon discriminatory acts and
Color incidents irrespective of whether the White or the Colored man is
responsible for starting them. Frankly, I do not think that the basic
issues of this war are involved in the question of whether Colored troops
- [158]
- serve in segregated units or in
mixed units and I doubt whether you can convince the people of the United
States that the basic issues of freedom are involved in such a question.
In its policy of playing up the incidents of which I speak, I believe
that papers like the Pittsburgh Courier and, perhaps, some others, serve
to take the mind of the Negro soldier and the Negroes generally off what
you term the basic issue of the war. If the United States does not win
this war, the lot of the Negro is going to be far, far worse than it is
today. Yet, there is, it seems to me, an alarmingly large percentage of
Negroes in and out of the Army who do not seem to be vitally concerned
about winning the war. This, to my mind, indicates that some forces are
at work misleading the Negroes. I bespeak greater emphasis on the necessity
for greater out and out support of the war, particularly by the Negro
press, and I feel certain that the objects for which you aim will come
closer to achievement if the existing emphasis is shifted than if it is
not.60
-
- After the establishment of the
Advisory Committee Judge Hastie continued to work on some matters through
judge Patterson's office; he presented other suggestions through Assistant
Secretary McCloy's office for consideration of the Advisory Committee.
The committee made recommendations of its own from time to time. It considered
the broad plans originating in the staff divisions, attempted to keep
abreast of the developing racial situation in the country, and proposed
measures which it hoped would have a beneficial effect upon racial matters
within the Army. G-1 and G-3 prepared summaries of existing policies for
discussion and, at the second meeting of the committee on 24 October,
the Chamberlain plan was presented by G-3, Brig. Gen. Idwal
-
- H. Edwards. Reaction to the plan,
and especially to the proposal to experiment with mixed personnel on a
small scale, was favorable, "but there was a marked reluctance to
recommend such a radical step all at once," one member reported.61
-
- At the same meeting a proposal
came from Brig. Gen. Frederick H. Osborn's Special Service Division that
segregation in Army motion picture houses be abandoned. This proposal
grew out of a conference on segregation in theaters on Massachusetts posts
between Hastie; his assistant, Truman K. Gibson, Jr.; Dr. Donald Young
of the Joint Army-Navy Committee on Welfare and Recreation and the Special
Service Division; and Matthew Bullock. It was agreed that Young would
urge the Special Service Division and the Joint Army-Navy Committee to
recommend issuance of a policy statement that "colored personnel
be neither excluded from nor segregated in any theater located within
a military reservation," with the added provision that a local commander
could submit to the Commanding General, SOS, recommendations for exceptions
to avoid serious trouble. The conferees thought that complete elimination
would encounter no serious trouble but that the addition of a modifying
provision would increase the chances for success.62
The proposal was discussed at length. It had been approved by Under Secretary
Patterson, but Assistant Secretary McCloy had secured a reversal. The
Advisory
- [159]
- Committee agreed to seek more
information and, if possible, avoid public announcement of policy on the
subject. It would deal with each situation as it came up. 63
-
- In November, Hastie suggested
several matters which the Advisory Committee might wish to consider. These
- included a renewal of his criticisms
of the Troop Basis for 1942, which, he believed, applied to the 1943 Troop
Basis as well. He made new recommendations for increasing opportunities
for the technical training of Negro enlisted men and officers and he reminded
the committee of the need
for a definite War Department policy against racial discrimination in
Army theaters, post exchanges, and similar facilities.64
-
- Brig. Gen. Benjamin O. Davis,
in the meantime, worked out a proposal for the operation of the Advisory
Committee.65
Davis proposed that the committee recommend "the breaking down of
the so-called `Jim Crow' practices within the War Department and on the
military reservations, and the securing of the cooperation of the communities
near the reservations to that end." He proposed, as Hastie had done
earlier, the issuance of a directive "announcing that military necessity
required a closer unity and comradeship among all races constituting
our citizenry." In addition, he proposed orientation courses, emphasizing
the contribution of Negroes to America and attempting to make white soldiers
realize the "great responsibility" resting upon them in achieving
unity of aims within the Army. General Davis included a recommendation
that the term "colored" instead of "Negro" be used
to designate race in official Army materials. Like many other Negroes,
Davis believed that many of the internal racial difficulties of the Army
and the civilian community at large, sprang from the ill-considered use
of epithets such as "nigger." In connection with the original
Hastie Survey, a staff discussion of the wisdom of issuing a directive
outlawing the use of this and similar terms extended over a period of
several months. General Davis, while agreeing that it was desirable to
reduce this source of racial friction, felt that general orientation in
Army race relations was preferable to a directive outlawing the term.66
Neither set of recommendations submitted by General Davis was dealt with
immediately, though features of both proposals were later adopted under
other circumstances.
-
- In December, the Advisory Committee,
after surveying the field through reports from staff agencies, recommended
the use of Negroes in harbor defense units in order to reduce their employment
in antiaircraft units; the activation of a Negro parachute battalion "for
purposes of enhancing the morale and esprit de corps of the negro people";
the assignment of Negroes to combat engineer units to avoid "what
may prove to be a perfectly justifiable charge of discrimination against
the negro through his assignment almost exclusively to general service
engineer regiments"; and the
- [160]
- PARATROOPER TRAINEES
- in column formation about to
board an Army transport at Fort Benning.
-
- use of Negroes in ambulance battalions
in lieu of white troops, thus reducing the numbers who otherwise would
have been placed in medical sanitary units. On these recommendations General
Marshall noted marginally, "Seems O.K." for harbor defense units,
"Start a company" for the parachute battalion recommendation,
and "excellent" for each of the other two recommendations.67
-
- Because of the difficulty of locating
harbor defense units so that they would not cause objections from the
towns which they were supposed to protect, and because the need for such
units rapidly diminished as the danger of attacks on the American coast
lessened, no Negro harbor defense units, as such, were formed. The 555th
Parachute Company was constituted on the inactive list in February 1943,
activated at the end of the year, and raised to a battalion in November
1944.68
Twelve motor ambulance companies were activated in 1943 and two others
were added later. Though the Chief of Engineers and Army Ground Forces
continued to object to the activation of combat engineer units other than
those necessary to divisions, combat engineer battalions were eventually
activated from personnel of converted units of the arms in 1943, 1944,
and 1945. Most of these later became construction and general service
units.
-
- Throughout its career the Advisory
Committee, acting in part as a clearing
house for staff ideas on the employment of Negro troops and in part as
a channel and consultation board for civilian ideas on the use of Negro
troops, continued to exercise a lively interest in and, at times, partial
control over the provision and use of Negro units. Its activities gradually
extended into an interest in the entire racial pattern within the Army
as well as into a concern with Army-civilian relations where racial matters
were involved. But, before the end of 1942, the committee had taken no
positive action upon either judge Hastie's or General Davis's recommendations
on the improvement of race relations within the Army. Hastie's resignation
at the beginning of the New Year helped
- [161]
- galvanize the committee into action
on certain of these proposals.
-
-
- Since the establishment of the
Air Corps flying school at Tuskegee, Judge Hastie had watched developments
in the Air Forces with particular concern. The Tuskegee school had been
vigorously opposed by the NAACP and by most of the more influential members
of the Negro press. In the first months of its existence, the school was
studiously ignored by the larger newspapers. Negro public figures, when
referring to the pilots in training there, began to term them "Lonely
Eagles," men destined to fly and fight separately from the rest of
the Air Forces if at all.
-
- In the summer of 1942, as successive
classes of pilots were being graduated, interest in the school rose, and
the Negro press covered Tuskegee closely. No longer was the seriousness
of the Air Forces training program doubted. Negroes were now concerned
about the seriousness of the intentions of the Air Forces to use the units
being formed at Tuskegee, about the restriction of Negroes to single-engine
pilot training, and about the long lists of eligible applicants awaiting
entry to the flying school. Critics of the program pointed out that the
percentage of single-engine pilots needed by the Air Corps was limited,69
and therefore that Negroes who did not qualify for single-engine training
were automatically deprived of an opportunity to pursue any other type
of flying training. The physical size limitations on single-engine trainees-maximum
height and weight limitations of five feet, nine inches, and 160 pounds-cut
further the number of Negroes eligible for this one type of training.70
-
- The limitation of Negro non-pilot
officer training to the few aerial observers and weather, armament, and
engineering officers required by units then in being was further questioned
and criticized. The Air Forces' refusal to accept applicants for appointment
as service pilots and its requirement that Negro medical officers take
courses in aviation medicine by correspondence and in local branch schools
were cited as evidence that the Air arm had not kept up with the rest
of the Army in providing full opportunities for qualified Negroes. The
Air Forces denied that it was pursuing restrictive practices. It was filling
authorized vacancies and training men according to existing War Department
policies and within the limits of available resources.71
The major difficulty seen by the Army Air Forces in carrying out its Negro
training program was one of maintaining this training without undue enlargement.
"We are pressed on every side," General Arnold declared, "by
negro sympathizers to increase the program beyond any bounds of its usefulness.
The increase cannot be made until an opportunity has been afforded the
99th Pursuit Squadron to
- [162]
- prove its worth in actual combat
operations." 72
-
- It was on the question of how
training for units then in being was to be carried out as well as on developments
at Tuskegee that judge Hastie finally resolved to resign. One of the reasons
for his original position in 1940, of neither approving nor yet of actively
opposing the establishment of the Tuskegee school, was that the immediate
gain in Negro utilization outweighed the advantages of continued opposition
to the separate training station.73
Flying training would begin at a station where Negro cadets could learn
to fly and Negro officers would ultimately have the opportunity of command
not only in the projected flying unit but also in the post's staff positions.
Hastie was not disposed to support either a diminution of the expected
gains or an extension of the separate Tuskegee pattern to other Air Forces-and,
by possible precedent, to other Army-training activities.
-
- Having established a logic for
the Tuskegee installation, the Air Forces faced the necessity of extending
that logic to all training connected with the units at the Tuskegee station.
This was at first attempted by trying to confine most of that training
to Tuskegee itself, a development involving attendant changes in plans
for the control of activities there. When Tuskegee grew too crowded to
accommodate further training projects, the extension of the same pattern
elsewhere was proposed. The result was the war's most extended and most
detailed attempt to define and to apply theories of the benefits of separate
training for Negroes.
-
- In the meantime, Hastie became
concerned about the intentions of the Air Forces to meet commitments already
made. In July 1942, he inquired about the Air Forces progress in training
Negroes to replace white administrative officers at Tuskegee.74
General Arnold replied that, since the school actually opened in October
1941, the year required to train replacements was not yet up. "There
has been no change in our original plans of the procedure to be followed,"
he assured Hastie.75
-
- The following fall, Hastie inquired
again about plans to replace white officers with Negroes. The question
by this time had assumed greater importance, for several Negro officers
assigned to Tuskegee, including finance, chemical warfare, medical, and
athletic officers, some of them of considerable standing in the Negro
peacetime community, had been given subordinate and, in some cases, no
actual assignments at all. This time the inquiry was referred to the Southeast
Army Air Force Training Command (SEAAFTC) at Maxwell Field, under whose
jurisdiction Tuskegee came. The command indicated that it considered it
unwise to use Negro officers in post administrative positions at the field.
SEAAFTC reminded AAF that the plan which Hastie referred to was a prewar
plan. No subsequent direc-
- [163]
- tive requiring the substitution
of Negro for white officers had been issued. In any event the original
plan, calling for II white officers, 15 white noncommissioned officers,
and a full garrison of only 47 officers and 429 enlisted men, was no longer
applicable, since Tuskegee now had 217 officers and 3,000 enlisted men.
SEAAFTC argued that considerable effort to locate and develop reliable
Negro officers had been made, but that none had been forthcoming. Anyway,
the command pointed out, every commanding officer has the prerogative
of selecting his own staff officers. "In general, colored officers
do not possess the necessary technical background to qualify them to occupy
supervisory positions now filled by white officers," SEAAFTC said.
"They are definitely lacking in the qualifications essential for
leadership and the urgency of the war situation does not justify experimentation."
Furthermore, the best qualified Negro officers available to it, the command
continued, were assigned to Task Force units at Tuskegee. The remainder
would be needed for new fighter and service groups, which, at the time,
had almost no personnel. The responsibilities of the Tuskegee commander
and of his staff were multiple and the replacement of white by Negro officers
would "not only reduce the present efficiency of the station but
in all probability tend to defeat the purpose of this effort." The
command considered Hastie's interest in the matter "more racial than
military. The purpose and function of this command is military training
and it has no interest in the racial question .... Unless instructed to
the contrary, military efficiency and military expediency will continue
to be the determining factors in the selection of training personnel at
Tuskegee as is the policy at all other stations under the jurisdiction
of this headquarters." 76
The possibility that Tuskegee would become an all-Negro post, as originally
planned and as consistent with the objective of complete segregation,
was not bright.
-
- But, consistent with the goal
of training the Negro squadrons with the least difficulty, the Air Forces
continued to add training facilities at Tuskegee, thereby relieving itself
of the necessity of training Negro specialists and technicians at its
established schools, many of which were in the South. To the addition
of technical schools to the Tuskegee program Hastie objected in June 1942.
"Thus the Army Air Forces carry one step further a plan of confining
as much of the training of Negroes as possible to the Tuskegee project.
It must be expensive and uneconomical utilization of personnel and materials
thus to duplicate training facilities for relatively small numbers of
men," he observed to Robert A. Lovett, the Assistant Secretary of
War for Air. Pointing out that technicians and mechanics for the two squadrons
already activated had been trained at Chanute Field, Illinois, and that
in the rest of the Army Negroes were being trained in existing schools,
he predicted that the new plan would develop the same defects as pilot
training: it would be slow, expensive, and circumscribed. He hoped that
the plan would be reexamined. Secretary Lovett penciled a note to his
executive officer: "Col Coiner
- [164]
- -pls investigate; why was Chanute
dropped?" 77
-
- "It appears to me that judge
Hastie and his assistant are interested only in having their people trained
at the well-known Chanute school-not in the training or the facility thereof,"
Colonel Coiner observed as he began to investigate the reasons for abandoning
Negro training at Chanute.78
After conferring with Col. Luther S. Smith, the Air Forces Director of
Individual Training, who as director of Training at the Southeast Air
Corps Training Center in 1941 had been responsible for organizing the
training program at Tuskegee, Colonel Coiner informed Secretary Lovett
that training at Chanute had been dropped because it was only reasonable
to expand training for Negroes at the place where their units were located.
An additional construction program for Tuskegee to provide facilities
for technical training had been authorized some months before and the
program was now "either completed or so far along as to be classed
completed." 79
-
- Plans for technical training at
Tuskegee were nevertheless being changed. The 99th Pursuit Squadron was
scheduled to be committed to action by 1 October 1942. Pilots and mechanics
for the tooth Pursuit Squadron, which was to be the senior squadron in
a planned fighter group, were in training. The full group was to be completed
during the fiscal year 1943. Since the group was to be activated and trained
at Tuskegee at the same time that the station was carrying on other flying
training activities, the Air Forces was considering the establishment
of a separate technical school for Negroes at another site to relieve
Tuskegee of the responsibility for conducting the two distinctly different
types of training at the same time.80
In August the Air Forces informed its Technical Training Command (AAFTTC)
that facilities tentatively provided at Tuskegee for technical training
would not be used for this purpose. "If deemed advisable by you,
you will be authorized to establish a detachment at Tuskegee for the training
of negro officer candidates," AAFTTC was told. Contract facilities
at a Negro university or similar institution might be obtained for other
technical training.81
-
- By autumn the situation had changed
further. The Army Air Forces was now expecting to take over the basic
training of all its personnel of the arms and services (ASWAAF), including
6,000 Negroes a month for the remainder of 1942 and 9,000 per month for
1943.82
With flying training expanding at Tuskegee, the need for technically trained
enlisted and officer personnel was increasing rapidly. The Technical Training
Command considered acquiring Prairie View College in Texas for this purpose,
and the Third Air Force, seeking a location for the tactical training
of units that would be removed from the crowded Tuskegee station, looked
over a site at Fort Davis, Alabama, southeast of the
- [165]
- Tuskegee school on the other side
of the town of Tuskegee. This site, previously considered for the flying
school location, was abandoned, partly because of protests from the white
citizens of Tuskegee who felt that with Tuskegee Institute, a Veterans'
Administration Hospital, and one Army and one contract flying installation
already existing to the north, east, and west of the town, an additional
installation for Negroes to the south would encircle the town completely.83
As yet, there was no over-all plan for the training of Negroes who could
not be accommodated at Tuskegee.
-
- On 25 October, the Technical Training
Command submitted a plan which called not only for the establishment of
a separate technical school for Negroes but also for separate officer
training, officer candidate, and clerical schools plus a basic training
center, all to be concentrated at Jefferson Barracks, in St. Louis. Thus,
all Negro training for the Air Forces would be on a completely segregated
basis, concentrated at Tuskegee and at Jefferson Barracks.84
-
- Independent of the remainder of
the plan and of geographical considerations, the concentration of all
Negro replacement training for the Air Forces at one post had certain
advantages, the Air Forces believed. The Air Forces had experienced some
difficulty in extracting the desired number of technical trainees from
its aviation squadrons. Among their other duties, these squadrons gave
basic training to Negro selectees
assigned directly from reception centers. On 19 August 1942, the Air Forces
sent a circular letter asking aviation squadrons to report qualified enlisted
men for technical school training. By 5 October only 44 out of 85,000
men had been reported available. "The results so far obtained from
the above referred to letter are of no value whatever," Army Air
Forces informed its field commanders. Pointing out its desire to start
a large-scale program, the Air Forces again instructed its commands to
report qualified enlisted men by number and course, but most reports continued
to be negative.85
Concentration of replacement trainees at one post would permit proper
classification and assignment of potential technical trainees before units
found other jobs for them to do.
-
- There was not complete certainty
within the Air Staff of the wisdom of the proposal to concentrate all
training for Negroes at separate posts. A policy letter on the subject,
addressed to the Technical Training Command, was prepared by the Director
of Individual Training on 26 October for the signature of the Chief of
the Air Staff. This letter began: "Confirming past verbal directives,
the training of negroes will be accomplished through segregation."
It directed the commanding general of the Technical Training Command to
select "a suitable site or sites" for the basic training of
enlisted Negroes of the Air Forces and of the Arms and Services with the
Air Forces, for technical training of
- [166]
- enlisted men and officers, for
the administrative training of officers, and for such individual training
as the Services of Supply could not provide for Negro ASWAAF personnel.
The draft of this letter was submitted to the Air Training Division for
approval before submission to the Chief of the Air Staff. Though pointing
out that "former training policies regarding negro troops have not
favored segregation, however recent developments indicate that it is desirable
to accomplish this type of training thru segregation," the Training
Division concurred. The office of the Chief of the Air Staff then routed
the proposal to the Director of Program Planning (AFDPU) for concurrence.
AFDPU did concur but recommended that the directive be given "a very
limited distribution and any reference thereto be definitely confined
to a limited number of people." The Chief of Air Staff, Maj. Gen.
George E. Stratemeyer, then directed that the Assistant Chief of Air Staff,
A-1, indicate concurrence or non-concurrence "by his own signature."
A-1 concurred.86
But, after a personal conference with Maj. Gen. Walter R. Weaver of the
Army Air Forces Technical Training Command, General Stratemeyer recommended
that the letter be withdrawn. There was no need for it, since the proposal
covered was already projected for Jefferson Barracks. The policy appeared
to be settled. All Air Forces training for Negroes would be given at racially
separate schools and posts.87
-
- Action was being taken to comply
with the Technical Training Command's plan 88
when news of the change at Jefferson Barracks reached St. Louis. Irate
white citizens and organizations protested vigorously. "All Hell
broke loose out there and the Mayor called me and talked to me for about
a half hour last night," General Weaver informed Brig. Gen. Thomas
J. Hanley, the Deputy Chief of the Air Staff. "The city of St. Louis
is up in arms about this thing, and I thought I'd better tip you fellows
off up there," he continued.89
Washington had already heard of the St. Louis reaction. Missouri congressmen
had been querying the War Department about the proposal. The Air Forces
was advised to discuss the matter with the Advisory Committee, and decision
on the full proposal was postponed.
-
- In the meantime, the Individual
Training Section of the Air Staff had prepared a justification for providing
the Technical Training Command with a policy for carrying out its proposals.
This staff section argued that the central, north-south border location
of Jefferson Barracks near a metropolitan area with a large Negro civilian
population would "absolutely minimize the tremendous problem arising
from racial prejudice."
- [167]
- Jefferson Barracks would reduce
the hazards to training arising from racial discrimination. Segregation
of Negro troops there was regarded as a safeguard against discrimination:
-
- The problem must be faced candidly
and impartially, for the following reasons:
- (1) A poorly selected location
geographically will irritate and amplify racial prejudices, which seriously
hamper individual training. We cannot allow such a consideration to in
turn hamper our individual training efforts, which are designed for the
sole purpose of producing efficient fighting-fit troops.
- (2) We cannot allow racial prejudices
to interfere with our administration of present policy, as well as human
justice, which dictate that the Army Air Forces will provide training
opportunities for colored troops which are equal to those given to white
troops.
-
- e. Segregation must be followed,
particularly for phases of individual training, as a safeguard against
charges of racial discrimination, and to permit of proper inspections
in this phase.
- f. Jefferson Barracks is one of
the best posts of the Army Air Forces, for any types of troops. It is
rich in traditions and honorable history, being one of the oldest posts
in our Army's history . . . . It is believed that Jefferson Barracks will
lend itself admirably to being publicized as the "Colored Miami Beach
Schools," in the same manner as we have publicized the flying school
at Tuskegee as the "Colored West Point of the Air." 90
-
- Neither Air Personnel nor Air
Training concurred in this presentation of the proposal, 91
but the Deputy Chief of Air Staff,
General Hanley, did concur and the next day initiated action for the preparation
of a formal proposal based on Individual Training's reasoning for presentation
to the Chief of Staff and the Advisory Committee. "General Arnold,
the Chief of Air Staff and the Deputy Chief of Air Staff concur in the
idea that the segregation of negroes, as outlined in this paper, is the
best way to train them in the Army Air Forces," Hanley indicated
to Col. Aubry L. Moore, of Program Planning, when directing preparation
of the necessary papers. There should be no publicity or action toward
carrying out the policy until the plans clear through the Advisory Committee,
the Deputy Chief of Air Staff added.92
The formal request, dated 13 November, was forwarded to G-3 on 17 November
but was returned without action, for in the interval still other changes
in the program had occurred.93
-
- The Technical Training Command
on 16 November had renewed its request for approval of the concentration
of all Negro training at Jefferson Barracks, adding that pending approval
or the issuance of other directives the flow of Negro recruits to the
command should be stopped. This proposal was returned to the Technical
Training Command as not favorably considered,94
- [168]
- for by the time the request arrived,
a new draft, first circulated on 18 November, calling for concentration
of most Negro training at Chanute Field, Illinois, was in process of preparation
by the Air Staff's Directorate of Individual Training.95
-
- On 30 November the Technical Training
Command forwarded a substitute proposal, calling for the use of Jefferson
Barracks for officer candidate and cooks and bakers training only, with
other training conducted at other schools. The proposal, while its written
form was in the mails, was given by phone to Headquarters AAF, coinciding
with the completion of the 18 November (Chanute Field) draft. Its features
were incorporated into the 18 November draft letter. The new proposal
authorized the training of (1) officer candidates at Jefferson Barracks;
(2) enlisted specialists at Chanute Field; and (3) the continuation of
basic training in aviation squadrons. Permanent party ASWAAF personnel
were to be distributed to the various units of their arms and services
and the unassigned personnel to "your various basic training centers
in exactly the same manner as white personnel of this category."
96
This plan, too, had to be discarded, for Chanute could not handle all
specialties. The new formal proposal of the Technical Training Command
as originally written was substituted and approved by the Director of
Individual Training on 9 December.97
It provided for training sites as follows:
-
Jefferson Barracks |
OCS |
Grand Rapids |
Weather |
Yale |
Engineer, armament, communications |
Boca Raton |
Radar (V-1) |
Harbard |
Statistical |
-
Boca Raton |
Radar mechanics |
Chanute Field |
Machinist, metal work, parachute, welding, link
trainer, teletype repair, electrical propeller, and instrument
specialist |
Scott Field |
Radio |
Jefferson Barracks |
Cooks and bakers |
Fort Logan |
Clerks |
Lincoln |
Airplane mechanics |
Buckley Field |
Armorers |
Lowry Field |
Bombsight specialist; photographers |
-
- One of the problems involved in
Negro officer training, unstated formally in the planning for the separate
OCS at Jefferson Barracks, was that ground officer candidate training
for the Air Forces was located in luxury hotels at Miami Beach, Florida.
At the time, this city normally permitted no Negroes to remain overnight
in its precincts; on its behalf, numerous inquiries and protests on the
possibility of locating Negro troops in its hotels came in to the War
Department. Air Forces agencies had given assurances that no Negro troop
or officer candidate training was planned
- [169]
- for the Miami Beach schools.98
Though the remainder of the Army was training Negro officer candidates
in established schools, the AAFTTC, out of all its original plan, retained
only the separate Negro OCS. With its enlisted trainees scheduled for
regular schools, this persistence in establishing a separate OCS, when
coupled with the AAF's insistence upon concentrating all of its Negro
flying training at Tuskegee, gave to the Air Forces an appearance of willful
adherence to its own plans to keep officer training on a separate basis
despite the policies of all other branches of the Army.
-
- It appeared to judge Hastie toward
the end of 1942 that the Air Forces was formulating its own policies without
reference to his office or to general Army policies. During the planning
for Jefferson Barracks, Hastie was neither consulted about nor advised
of the discussions. Throughout this planning he was in continuous communication
with the Air Forces on the training of Negroes. He had inquired about
statistical errors made in the Air Staff on success rates in pilot training
at Tuskegee -errors which, when called to the attention of the Air Staff,
were then compounded instead of corrected. He had asked about training
flight surgeons by correspondence, to which the Air Forces at first replied
that with the great bulk of aviation medicine trainees, both Negro and
white students were using extension courses and branch schools. When Hastie
asked specifically if Negroes were excluded from Randolph Field's medical
courses, the answer came back: "It is
- not the policy of the Air Corps
to exclude Negro officers from training at the School of Aviation Medicine."
He had asked about placing washed-out cadets in other types of training
and about cadet training for qualified Negroes in meteorology, armament,
and engineering.99
But plans for expanding this training, including the difficult problem
of concentrated and separate training versus training in established schools,
had not been mentioned to him in the Air Forces communications on these
subjects.
-
- Late in November, Judge Hastie
learned from St. Louis newspapers that the Air Forces had planned to turn
Jefferson Barracks into an all-Negro training center. After hearing about
questions put to Secretary Stimson at a press conference, he asked Secretary
Lovett toward the end of November if there was any truth in the rumors
about Jefferson Barracks.100
Three weeks later, the reply came that "present Air Forces plans
do not provide for the conversion of Jefferson Barracks into an all-Negro
post" and that "the training program ill general contemplates
assignment of Negro personnel for training to installations in areas from
which procured." Complaints from St. Louis, the communication continued,
indicated that "it would be wiser not to effect the reported conversion."
101
The reply was technically correct though no specific mention was made
of the latest plan to establish an officer candidate school and a cooks
and bakers school at Jefferson Barracks nor
- [170]
- of the decision to utilize established
technical schools for specialist training.
-
- On 1 January Jefferson Barracks
issued a press release informing the public that a new officer candidate
school for Negroes would open there on 15 January. On 5 January Hastie
informed Secretary Stimson and Under Secretary Patterson that in the Air
Forces "further retrogression is now so apparent and recent occurrences
are so objectionable and inexcusable that I have no alternative but to
resign in protest and to give public expression to my views." 102
Despite the "several substantial gains of the past two years in the
handling of racial issues and particular problems of Negro military and
civilian personnel" and despite the two secretaries' expressed confidence
that he could do more within the War Department than out, Hastie began,
he did not think that his presence was longer useful:
-
- I have believed that there remain
areas in which changes of racial policy should be made but will not be
made in response to advocacy within the Department but only as a result
of strong and manifest public opinion. I have believed that some of these
changes involve questions of the sincerity and depth of our devotion to
the basic issues of this war and thus have an important bearing, both
on the fighting spirit of our own people and upon our ability as a nation
to maintain leadership in the struggle for a free world." 103
-
- So long as he remained in the
War Department he could not express himself freely and publicly on these
matters. Therefore, he was submitting a formal resignation
separately to take effect on 31 January.104
-
- Except for a statement to the
press issued on 16 January in which, to quiet growing rumors, he announced
that he had submitted his resignation and that he had asked his two assistants,
Louis Lautier and Truman K. Gibson, Jr., to stay at their posts, Hastie
refrained from any public statement during the remainder of the month.
He had, however, outlined in detail his objections to the course of Air
Forces policy in his memorandum to the secretaries. He included a sharp
denunciation of misleading information given him by the Air Forces as
well as criticisms of its policies:
-
- In establishing a separate Officer
Candidate School for Negroes at Jefferson Barracks the Air Forces are
deliberately rejecting the general practice of un-segregated Officer Candidate
Schools which has proved so eminently successful throughout the Army and
which has been so hopeful an augury. I did not know that such a school
was contemplated until the matter appeared a few days ago in an Army press
release. Worse, still, I was given misleading information by the Air Forces
at a time when the plan must have been well advanced . . . . In such circumstances
the failure of the Air Forces, after written request, to advise this office
candidly and fully of a plan so soon to be publicly announced cannot be
considered an excusable inadvertence. 105
-
- This latest development had to
be placed in its proper setting, Hastie continued. He recalled that "the
policy of using Negro personnel in the Air Forces at all was imposed upon
a Command, reluctant from the outset. Resistance, bred of that reluctance
has been
- [171]
- encountered repeatedly."
He went on to cite the Air Forces' establishment of aviation squadrons;
its establishment of a separate clerical school; its refusal to train
and use qualified service pilots, weather officer applicants, and other
officer specialists which, in national recruiting campaigns, it had said
it needed badly; the inadequacy of its training for Negro flight surgeons;
its refusal to use Negroes in positions of responsibility at Tuskegee;
and its refusal to continue technical training in its established schools
in the pattern begun at Chanute Field where "the results were excellent."
Moreover, Hastie asserted, the Air Forces was failing to produce results
with its methods. While efforts were being made to set up segregated technical
training at Tuskegee or elsewhere, "successive classes of pilots
were being trained, but no supporting technical schooling of ground crew
members was in progress. Thus even the segregated system has gotten badly
out of balance in the effort to accomplish its extension. The prospect
is that in 1943 Negro pilots will be ready before and faster than adequate
members of trained ground crews are available." The situation at
Tuskegee, where separate messes, quarters, and washrooms were maintained,
Hastie concluded, had reached the point where it might "jeopardize
the entire future of the Negro in combat aviation. Men cannot be humiliated
over a long period of time without a shattering of morale and a destroying
of combat efficiency . . . . If the group of white officers at Tuskegee
insist upon this-and I have no evidence that they do-they are psychologically
unsuited to train Negroes for combat. If they do not so insist, the racial
attitude of the local commander or
of higher authority is all the more apparent." 106
-
- Hastie's memorandum was forwarded
to the Air Staff, where inquiries began.107
General Stratemeyer called a halt to the preparations for the new school,
telling a representative of Individual Training:
-
- I don't want any colored school
any place to be conducted as a segregated school. With reference to colored
Officer Candidates at Miami Beach, I want them treated just like white
Officer Candidates. They will go to the same classes, to the same drills,
and eat in mess halls the same as the whites. If there are any questions,
tell General Smith to call me.108
-
- General Stratemeyer then had the
Hastie paper analyzed for Assistant Secretary McCloy. Judge Hastie was
correct about aviation squadrons, the Air Staff said, but he had overlooked
the fact that the majority of Negroes with low general classification
scores had to be employed somewhere. On everything else, the Staff declared,
Hastie was in substantial error. His information about the establishment
of a segregated officer candidate school at Jefferson Barracks "had
no basis in fact." A plan had been prepared "in an operating
division of Headquarters, Army Air Forces but it had neither been referred
to nor approved by the Chief of the Air Staff. Negroes with sufficiently
high general classification and mechanical aptitude
- [172]
- scores were being used as noncommissioned
officers or were being sent to officer candidate schools and to training
courses "throughout the school system of the Technical Training Command."
The separate clerical school at Atlanta University was being conducted
by the Services of Supply. As for Tuskegee, the location of the school
there had been urged by the officials of the Tuskegee Institute and instead
of training being harmed there, both Brig. Gen Benjamin O. Davis and the
Commanding General, Third Air Force, had found the fighter squadron there
to be in a "superior state of training." It was "now ready
to be committed to combat." Moreover, the Air Staff's analysis continued,
directives would be issued to insure compliance with War Department policies
on racial discrimination in the matter of separate messing and toilet
facilities for Negro and white officers, though the commanding officer
at Tuskegee would be within regulations if he established a regimental
mess for the new 332d Fighter Group "providing no racial restrictions
were placed on officer messing facilities established for other officer
personnel." The policy of placing Negro officers in posts of responsibility
at Tuskegee had not changed though "implementation . . . will depend
upon the best judgment of the responsible commander." Sufficient
weather, armament, communication, engineering, and administrative officers
to care for Negro units were being trained, but "excessive numbers
of Negro specialists would be wasteful and inadvisable," the Air
Forces added, remarking that War Department assignment policies of Negro
officers which would limit the usefulness of additional specialists were
still in force.
- Service pilots would be employed
as needed within the limits of War Department policies on the assignment
of Negro officers, and directives insuring the training of flight surgeons
in resident student status had been issued.109
-
- Hastie observed that perhaps General
Stratemeyer was correct about the new school-"I hope, of course,
that no such project has been or is going to be inaugurated," he
said-but, in addition to the press release, "this office checked
informally with the Air Forces Technical Training Command and received
verbal confirmation from that office." Moreover, General Stratemeyer's
statement did not clearly say whether "the Air Forces are not going
to have a segregated Officer Candidate School or merely that the Chief
of Air Staff had not approved the proposal at the time my memorandum was
written." Hastie declared that he doubted that the four or five thousand
Negroes who, according to General Stratemeyer's figures on test scores,
had the required aptitude for technical training, were receiving it, that
badly needed weather officers could not work anywhere "except at
the Tuskegee Base or with a Negro unit in the field," and that the
judgment of the Air Staff on what was happening at Tuskegee could be reconciled
with conclusions "based on my own observations and on the views of
persons living and working there every day." To him, this analysis
was only one more example of the Air Forces' lack of candor in facing
the issue of its use of Negro troops.110
- [173]
- Secretary Stimson accepted Hastie's
resignation on 29 January.111
As one of his last official acts in the War Department, Hastie forwarded
to Assistant Secretary McCloy the next day a memorandum on two additional
issues "which seem to be of immediate importance": the placement
and promotion of Negro officers, including provisions for the removal
of excess officers from the all-Negro units since "field and company
officers tend to deteriorate when they seem to be in a blind alley";
and the overseas use of Negro combat organizations, especially those which
had been in training for long periods of time. 112
Both of these problems were to engage the attention of the War Department
for many months to come.
-
-
- A search for a successor to Hastie
was already under way. The names of Negro college presidents, federal
and state government officials, and, occasionally, of unknown but favored
former students of distinguished law professors-sometimes solicited by
Assistant Secretary McCloy and sometimes offered by interested persons
outside the Department-were suggested during January 1943.113
The Negro press, lauding Hastie for his stand, indulged in its own predictions.
The Associated Negro Press reported that "the consensus of opinion
as expressed freely and frankly is that he did the right thing in stepping
out of a position that was becoming untenable." 114
Typical of editorial opinion was the New Orleans Louisiana Weekly's assertion
that Hastie's resignation was
-
- . . . a tribute to the new type
of leadership that is coming to the forefront for the Negro masses ....
He performed admirably under the difficulties .... He must indeed have
been a patient man to have been pushed around and given the "brush
off" by the Army "swivel chair corps" who apparently care
little for the Negro in the Army other than as a laborer. However, there
is a limit to every man's patience, even judge Hastie's. We think by his
action he rises in stature and becomes one of our living heroes and leaders
whom Pearl Buck says we so desperately need.115
-
- In the meantime, the work of the
Civilian Aide's office continued with Hastie's assistant, Truman K. Gibson,
Jr., designated Acting Civilian Aide on 5 February,116
pending appointment of a successor to Hastie.
-
- Hastie, in his resignation statement,
had indicated that, instead of a consistent policy leading to the useful
employment of Negro troops, un-coordinated and often divergent patterns
within the Army were leading to supportable charges of a lack of direction
in the utilization of Negroes and a potential waste of manpower. Here
was a concrete matter
- [174]
- upon which action could be taken
on its practical merits rather than on the ethical grounds from which
many of the Hastie proposals, despite their practical aspects, had proceeded.
The Advisory Committee, which had previously held few meetings, now came
to vigorous life. As already noted, this committee had been set up to
"evaluate racial incidents, proposed social reforms, and questions
involving the training and use of negroes." 117
How closely the three went together was now clearer than before. The Advisory
Committee now realized more fully that its was a continuing problem of
evaluation and consideration of multitudinous problems going beyond the
technicalities of the distribution of Negroes in the troop basis. Truman
Gibson, in discussions with Secretary McCloy, impressed upon him that,
with the serial presentation of Hastie's objections in the press 118
and with the steady worsening of Negro troop problems, immediate steps
to solve the major questions which Hastie had called to the secretaries'
attention should be taken and the public should be so informed.119
-
- Hastie's resignation itself had
been followed by certain immediate changes, especially in the Air Forces,
which quietly dropped its Jefferson Barracks plan, promoted the commander
at Tuskegee and replaced him, made plans to remove the new tactical group
from Tuskegee, and ordered flight surgeon trainees to school
at Randolph Field. Just before Hastie's resignation took effect, the Air
Forces announced publicly that it was expanding its training program for
combat fliers and supporting services and that Negroes were being trained
"throughout virtually the entire Technical Training Command of the
Air Forces as well as at the Air Forces Officers' Training School at Miami."
120
After the first of February, when Hastie announced publicly that Air Forces
policies had been the chief cause of his resignation, the Air Forces indicated
that it had no intention of making a further reply, since it believed
that it had complied fully with the Secretary of War's instructions on
Negro troop policies. 121
-
- In the weeks following Hastie's
departure, Gibson presented serially, in conferences and memoranda, separate
analyses of many of the problems remaining unsolved. The Civilian Aide's
main channel of action now shifted definitely from Under Secretary Patterson's
office to Assistant Secretary McCloy's, with Gibson working closely with
Charles Poletti, ex-lieutenant governor of New York and, at the time,
a special assistant to the Secretary, and, later, with Col. William P.
Scobey and Lt. Col. Harrison A. Gerhardt, executives to the Assistant
Secretary. While he pursued the same objectives as Hastie, Gibson generally
approached his problems singly, presenting alternatives for action phrased
in terms of their probable effect upon the Army, the public (`white and
- [175]
- Negro), and the developing military
situation.122
-
- To McCloy and to Poletti, Gibson
again outlined the problems of both his office and of its relations with
the Advisory Committee, enclosing for Poletti a copy of the Hastie Survey
containing marginal notes on what had been done and what remained to be
accomplished in the Hastie program.123
To the new secretary of the committee, Col. Joseph S. Leonard, formerly
commander of the 366th Infantry at Fort Devens, he offered the files of
his office so that the committee might become more familiar with the main
problems with which the Civilian Aide had been faced. Both Gibson and
the Advisory Committee began to give closer attention to the help that
they might get from Brig. Gen. Frederick H. Osborn and his Special Service
Division in the area of the morale of Negro troops. To General Osborn,
Gibson outlined the Air Forces problem for use in a conference to be held
with judge Patterson.124
-
- This conference was an outgrowth
of one of the many inquiries coming into the War Department after Hastie's
resignation. After one of these, involving a meeting of Under Secretary
Patterson, Assistant Secretary Lovett, and General Stratemeyer with Wilbur
LaRoe and a delegation from the Washington Federation of Churches, Judge
Patterson, Assistant Secretary Lovett, Howard Petersen, and General Osborn
met to consider developments within the Air Forces. One result was an
agreement that Air Forces-Negro relations should be handled by the Advisory
Committee and that Patterson would thereafter refer questions on these
relations to the committee.125
This agreement ended the Under Secretary's formal concern with Negro troop
problems. Another result was that, as a consequence of Patterson's expression
of dissatisfaction with the progress and numbers of Negro personnel which
the Air Forces was training, Secretary Lovett and General Stratemeyer
discussed the entire situation, suggesting that the Air Forces investigate
and take action to:
-
- 1. Make certain that some Negroes
were assigned to the college training program in northern colleges where
CPT training was being given, even at the expense of filling quotas set
for Tuskegee.
- 2. Investigate and increase the
activities in which Negro pilots might participate, paying particular
attention to securing all possible candidates for service pilot ratings,
assigning them to liaison units which could work with Negro ground units.
- 3. Make an attempt to train pilots
and navigators as transport crews which could be assigned to Roberts Field
in Liberia "for the purpose of flying cargo or ferrying
- [176]
- airplanes forward to combat theaters
from that installation. It is understood that there is a colored U.S.
citizen in Canada who has piloted bombers across the North Atlantic four
or five times and who is available for, and who has requested assignment
to the Army Air Forces. Investigate this through A-1, and see if his services
cannot be secured for the purpose of either bringing his entire crew with
him to operate for the Air Transport Command in Liberia or to train a
colored crew which can be used by the Air Transport Command from Roberts
Field."
- 4. Investigate and prepare plans
to start the training of additional colored ground personnel and have
them on hand to work with and assist in the training of a medium or light
bombardment group "which we must necessarily activate and organize
if and when our present experiment with the fighter group is successful."
126
-
- While most of these proposals
were not carried out, planning for the increased use of Negroes did begin
within the Air Forces and a medium bombardment group did materialize.
Moreover, co-operation between the Air Forces headquarters and the Civilian
Aide's office gradually improved. After a visit to Tuskegee in April,
Gibson informed Secretary Lovett that he had been greatly impressed by
"the very able and conscientious manner in which Lieutenant Colonel
Noel Parrish, the Commanding Officer, has attacked the many difficult
problems with which he has been confronted. There has been a decided upswing
in the morale of the Negro officers and men stationed there." Though
many of the criticisms of Tuskegee were justifiable, he continued, "the
training program has been conducted in a fair and impartial manner. For
this, the Air Forces is deserving
of credit and has received favorable comment even from some of the most
vocal critics of the whole program." He regretted that previous disagreements
of his office with various Air Forces policies had resulted in "the
development of an attitude that a feeling of hostility exists" preventing
"the free discussion of possible solutions for what is admittedly
a troublesome and difficult problem" and preventing "adequate
discussions on the adoption of some continuing plan for the use of Negroes
in the Army Air Forces." He pointed out the dangers of adherence
to unchanging formulas and offered the facilities of his office for planning
beyond the needs of the fighter units then under way. 127
Secretary Lovett noted on the memorandum: "Copy given to Col. McCormick,
Personnel. He is to see Gibson 8e get his cooperation on matters wherever
possible before any step is taken."
-
- While Gibson's attempts to obtain
a closer working relationship between his office, the Advisory Committee,
and the offices of the two assistant secretaries did not always meet with
unalloyed success, events and a greater concern on the part of participants
to deal adequately with them produced a better machinery for action than
had been. Gibson, though he was never given membership on the committee,
gained early an advantage closed to Hastie: after March, upon Secretary
McCloy's recommendation, he attended Advisory Committee meetings regularly.128
Although the committee had no staff other than its secretary and
- [177]
- no other full-time member, its
meetings provided a forum and clearing house where the chiefs of policy-making
branches and the representatives of the major commands of the Army could
compare notes and gain perspective on questions affecting the employment
of Negro troops. The Civilian Aide was therefore able to present his views
on questions as they arose. Though the committee often temporized and
deferred action, when a major proposal was agreed upon its movement through
the staff divisions was expedited by familiarity with the proposal gained
in committee meetings. With the Advisory Committee and the Civilian Aide
working more closely than formerly, the War Department began to acquire
a more generally agreed upon approach to Negro troop policies, though
it still lacked a central co-ordinating body for the collection, evaluation,
and dissemination of information upon and decisions made about proposals
and counterproposals affecting these policies.
-
- Gibson held his position as acting
aide until 21 September 1943, when he was made permanent Civilian Aide.129
Between February and September many of the problems brought to the attention
of the War Department by Hastie came to a head. A number of modifications
in policy and practice occurred, for many of the difficulties foreseen
by Hastie and the staff sections in 1941 and 1942 came to full growth
by the spring of 1943. With these, Gibson, McCloy, and the Advisory Committee
had to deal. But the pattern of the organization and employment of Negro
troops had so set by 1943 that many situations could only be modified
and not appreciably altered. In the meantime, the course of policies and
problems in the field, met at their high points by reactions and new policies
in the War Department, continued to develop.
- [178]