On to the Golden Gate With Fremont

Among the Topographical Engineers, John Charles Fremont stands out as a well-known explorer and the conqueror of California. Biographers and historians have subjected his career to the closest scrutiny and criticism. Fremont was not as much an explorer of the unknown as he was a scientist and cartographer. Allan Nevins, in his biography of Fremont, used an appropriate sobriquet: the "Pathmarker." Following his successful and highly acclaimed expedition to the West in 1843-1844, Fremont returned to Washington. With the help of his wife and Charles Preuss, his principal topographic assistant, he began to prepare a report and map of his route to Oregon.1

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Orders for Fremont's Third Expedition, 1845

On 12 February 1845 Colonel Abert sent to the newly breveted Captain Fremont a letter of instructions and orders for his next expedition. The colonel assigned two lieutenants as assistants and granted authority for the topographer to hire civilians. Abert instructed Fremont to survey the Arkansas and Red rivers within the U.S. boundary, particularly noting the navigable properties of each. Fremont was also to survey the area within a reasonable distance of Bent's Fort.2

Abert's instructions also gave some indication of further exploration. The same paragraph stated that the general outline of Fremont's duties was previously indicated in the chief topographer's annual report of the corps in 1844. In that report to Congress, Abert had also recommended an expedition into the still unexplored regions of the West to survey the Great Basin. From there the expedition would move from the Great Salt Lake to the lakes in Oregon, with a return route to follow the Colorado River toward Santa Fe to the headwaters of the Canadian River and then to its junction with the Arkansas Rivers.3

No evidence exists that Fremont received direct orders to proceed to California. Instead he believed that "President Polk entered on his office with a fixed determination to acquire California, if he could acquire it in an honorable and just manner." Fremont's close association with his father-in-law, Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, had made him aware of the problems with Mexico and the fear of a British plot to seize California. Even before his marriage to Jessie Benton in 1839, Fremont became attracted to the cause of Manifest Destiny as espoused by the senator. The new Secretary of the Navy, George Bancroft, also professed an

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eager interest to add California and the entire Southwest to the United States.4

Thus, regardless of Colonel Abert's 12 February instructions, Fremont already had decided on another expedition to California. He could count on support by Senator Benton, Secretary Bancroft, and other government officials. Association with his father-in-law and other influential persons, coupled with his recently acquired fame, gave Fremont wide latitude in his next mission.5

Fremont's writings following the expedition made no mention of secret orders for the conquest of California. In defending his actions in a magazine article some 46 years later, he wrote: "The distance was too great for timely communication, but failing this, I was given discretion to act."6 No evidence exists, however, that Fremont's immediate supervisor confirmed these instructions. Colonel Abert's guidance seemed clear enough in that Fremont should explore regions "within reasonable distance of Bent's Fort."7 However, Fremont's magazine article claimed: "But in arranging this expedition the eventualities of war had to be considered. My private instructions were, if needed, to foil England carrying the war now imminent with Mexico into its territory of California. At the fitting moment that territory was seized, and held by the United States." The Topographical Bureau's files do not reveal these "private instructions." If they were known to Colonel Abert, all he could do, considering the powerful supporters of Fremont, was tactfully ignore them.8

By 10 April Colonel Abert, possibly prescient to Fremont's intentions, issued supplemental instructions to the explorer. The colonel ordered his son, 2d Lt. James W. Abert, and 2d Lt. William G. Peck to accompany the expedition. Using the worsening relations with Mexico as a basis, the chief topographer advised:

On arriving at Bent's Fort, if you find it desirable, you will detach a lieutenant and party to explore the Southern Rocky Mountains and the regions

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south of the Arkansas under such instructions as your experience shall suggest . . . . It is extremely desirable that you should be in before the adjournment of the next session of Congress in order that if operations should be required in that country the information obtained may be at command.9

Fremont's only recorded letter to Colonel Abert during this planning stage was a request for small arms and a mountain howitzer. Abert concurred, although it was not usual practice for a scientific expedition to have artillery. Fremont, never at a loss for well placed words, defended his request by adding: "The uncertain and frequently hostile disposition of the people inhabiting the countries along the line of exploration render every advantage of arms which can be afforded material to the safety of our very small party."10

Colonel Abert also issued more guidance before the party's departure. On 14 May the colonel provided guidelines for the training of the two lieutenants. On the 26th he informed the explorer to use his own discretion as to the size of the expedition. This seems to add more credence to the colonel's possible knowledge of the "private instructions" and may explain his decision to order a detached party. He wrote to Fremont that Lieutenant Abert's party should return as soon as it had finished its work "in order that the expenses of the expedition may be reduced, and funds be left to meet the events of your own efforts for more distant discoveries, which will probably keep you some time longer in the field than he [Abert] will be."11

The chief Army topographer, however, never raised the issue of any direct violation of official orders. No doubt he realized that the arguments of the opposing power structure, if charges were made against Fremont for insubordination, would be insurmountable. The colonel most likely knew that his subordinate's plans had the sanction of high government officials. It is strange, however, that he did not incorporate that knowledge in later correspondence to the explorer. Indeed, by the end of May, the news of Fremont's extended expedition even appeared in a Washington newspaper:

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Captain Fremont has gone on his third expedition, determined upon a complete military and scientific exploration of the vast unknown region between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, and between the Oregon River and the Gulf of California. The expedition is expected to continue nearly two years. Its successful results are regarded with the highest degree of interest by all the friends of Science in America and Europe.12

Fremont Organizes His Expedition

In May 1845 Fremont left Washington for St. Louis, where he assembled his expedition. There the topog captain recruited an exceptional group of men. He hired Edward M. Kern, a young Philadelphia artist and naturalist, in place of Charles Preuss as his topographic assistant. All the other members of the party except Abert and Peck were civilians. Many of this group had been with Fremont before, and they included experienced guides Joseph Walker, Alexis Godey, Basil Lajeunesse, Lucien Maxwell, and Theodore Talbot. Kit Carson, the famed frontier scout, his partner, Dick Owens, and an exotic escort of 12 Delaware Indians later joined the expedition at Bent's Fort.13

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weaponry "was a great acquisition to topographical work, marksmanship being essential qualification."14

The Route to California

On 20 June 1845, the topographic party set out from St. Louis and headed toward Bent's Fort to rendezvous with Kit Carson and the others. When Fremont made clear his intention to maintain strict discipline, 13 men quickly dropped out. He moved his men at a rapid pace, and by 2 August they reached Bent's Fort. While outfitting his party and waiting for Carson and Owens to come up from Taos, New Mexico, Fremont issued instructions to Lieutenant Abert for conducting the auxiliary expedition. By 16 August both parties had set out, Abert down the Arkansas and Fremont up that river to the west. Fremont noted as he left the fort that he had "a well appointed compact party of sixty, mostly experienced and self-reliant men, equal to any emergency likely to occur, and willing to meet it."15

Fremont carried with him some of the most up-to-date topographic equipment of the period. The topographic tools included a portable transit for measuring horizontal and vertical angles, two sextants for measuring the altitudes of celestial bodies, and two pocket chronometers for precisely measuring time, an important factor in determining the longitude. The delicate barometers used for meteorological observations and measuring elevations received some damage along the way.16

By 20 August Fremont's party had encamped along the Arkansas near present-day Pueblo, Colorado. Fremont later recalled the topographic capabilities of his expedition:

I had me good instruments for astronomical observations, among them a portable transit instrument. This I set up, and established here one of the four principal positions on which depend the longitudes of the region

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embraced by the expeditions. The longitude was determined by moon culminations and the latitude by sextant observation of Polaris and stars in the south.17

Next the party headed across Colorado and Utah. On 26 August they camped at the Royal Gorge of the Arkansas and arrived at the headwaters of that river in Mexican territory on 2 September. Fremont and his group pushed on through the Tennessee Pass and across the Continental Divide. On the 4th they reached the Piney River, a tributary of the Colorado, and by 13 October the party arrived at the south shore of the Great Salt Lake. The expedition next struck west across the desert toward the mountains and California. Fremont aimed his march toward a mountain, which he named Pilot Peak. This desert route later gained fame among the westward emigrants and became know as the Hastings Cutoff.18

On 5 November Fremont split his force into two parties. Winter was approaching, and he expected to encounter snow in crossing the Sierras into California. Considering it "imprudent to linger long in the examination of the Great Basin," he decided to divide the party and use the interval of good weather to run two separate survey lines across the Basin. Walker guided the larger, main group under Theodore Talbot. With Kern serving as topographer, the group followed the more familiar route along the Humboldt River to Carson's Sink, then moved southward to the rendezvous point at Walker Lake. Meanwhile, Fremont's smaller party moved through central Nevada from the Humboldt to Franklin Lake, then southwest skirting the Alkali Desert. He continued westward to Walker Lake in western Nevada, thereby blazing the most feasible trail of the time across Nevada. As a result the topog dispelled the idea that the Great Basin from the Great Salt Lake to the Sierras was the sandy, barren plain described by others. Instead Fremont found the area traversed by parallel mountain ranges covered with adequate timber, grass, and wildlife. The group reached

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the Walker Lake rendezvous point on 24 November, and three days later the main party joined them.19

Still concerned about the difficulties of leading the entire party and its baggage through snow covered passes in the Sierras, Fremont again divided his party. This time he led a selected group of 15 via the shorter route through the mountains, while Kern and the main body followed a southerly route around the mountains. A blanket of snow covered the peaks and ridge lines, but Fremont's party succeeded in finding a clear pass and safely descended into the California valley. This pass, later named for the ill-fated Donner pioneer party, became part of a new trail from the Great Salt Lake to California. The topog captain could also take credit for blazing this route, though not through the pass, and rightfully deserved the appellation of "Pathfinder."20

Fremont Arrives in California

On 10 December Fremont reached John Sutter's settlement at New Helvetia, better known as Sutter's Fort and the future site of Sacramento. Sutter, who was away when the topogs arrived, returned the following day, and the settler extended the same hospitality given to the explorer the year before. Four days later Fremont departed in the direction of the San Joaquin Valley to link up with Kern. The main party had not arrived, and the topog decided to rove around the valley. After a while he concluded that the main party had elected to take its time to ease the burden on their pack animals. Since they had experienced guides, Fremont did not become overly concerned for the larger party's safety. By mid January he decided to return to Sutter's Fort to await their arrival.21

Now that he was in California, legally part of Mexico and foreign territory, Fremont felt obliged to contact the authorities there and stock up on provisions for the winter. Resting until late Jan-

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uary, he then traveled to Monterey to call on the American consul, Thomas O. Larkin, and the Mexican Commandant, Don Jose Castro. Fremont arrived at a time of internal tension, for Castro and the governor of California, Don Pio Pico, were at odds. In addition, the previous governor had been ousted earlier, and contacts outside California were virtually nonexistent. The presence of the well armed topographic party aroused Castro's attention and suspicions about American intentions in California. He had reason to be concerned, for only a few years earlier an American naval force had temporarily occupied Monterey.22

Castro treated the American explorer with courtesy, giving him permission to resupply but not any written consent to stay in California. The topographer told Castro of his peaceful intent, and assured him that his party only carried weapons to hunt game and for protection against the Indians. His purpose for being in the area, Fremont explained, had to do with finding a shorter route to Oregon and other "scientific purposes," but winter had caught him in the mountains. He told Castro he had come to Monterey seeking permission to set up a winter camp in the San Joaquin Valley. With Castro's verbal approval for the Americans to stay for a while in the Sacramento Valley, Fremont moved his party to Laguna, a vacant ranch 13 miles southeast of San Jose, for refitting. During this period the main party rejoined the expedition.23

The courtesy extended to the expedition to remain in California dwindled as the Americans appeared to linger in the area. Fremont's men appeared to get along well with the local Spanish speaking Californians, drawn by curiosity to visit the encampment. During these gatherings the Californians impressed Fremont and his colleagues with their fine horsemanship. Near the end of February Fremont moved his 60-man party southwest toward the settled Santa Clara valley. On 3 March they encamped on the Hartwell ranch near present-day Salinas, only 25 miles from Monterey. Two days later the

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disturbed Castro dispatched one of his cavalry officers with an ultimatum ordering the expedition to leave California.24

The Mexican authorities had every right to demand Fremont's withdrawal. He had marched into settled regions under the guise of a peaceful scientific expedition during times of difficult relations between Mexico and the United States. Men like Carson, Walker, Owens, the other mountain men, and the Delaware Indians hardly looked like peaceful scientific types. Historians generally hold the view that Fremont was biding his time and waiting for the expected news that war had been declared. Bernard De Voto wrote of Fremont in The Year of Decision, 1846, that "destiny was stirring in his soul."25

Fremont's supporters portray the topographer's later actions as an example of the American spirit that nothing could interfere with Manifest Destiny. The topog boldly retired to Hawk's Peak, a rough mountain overlooking the plains of San Juan and Monterey. There he chose a strong position near the summit, strengthening it with a rude fort of fallen oak trees. By defiantly hoisting the American flag above the fort, Fremont put Larkin in a difficult position. The U.S. government entrusted the consul, as a confidential agent, to work behind the scenes to win over the population, thereby easing the way to attach California to the Union. Fremont's actions seemed inconsistent with Larkin's policy of conciliation. The consul's correspondence with Washington, however, did suggest some sympathy for Fremont's unusual mission.26

For all the outspokenness on both sides, no epic conflict occurred at Hawk's Peak. The flagpole fell down late on the third day. This provided Fremont with a good excuse to retire north to Lassen's Meadows. The party traveled in short stages, hardly the

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flight described by boasting Mexican officials. By 22 March they encamped on the American River not far from Sutter's Fort. Since Fremont planned to retire to the Klamath Indian country and Oregon, he aptly justified his decision to leave the Hawk's Peak:

The protecting favor which the ways of all civilized governments and peoples accords [sic] to scientific expeditions impaired on me, even here, a corresponding obligation; and I now felt myself bound to go on my way, having given General Castro sufficient time to execute his threat. Besides, I kept always in mind the object of the Government to obtain possession of California and would not let a proceeding which was mostly personal put obstacles in the way.27

The Mysterious Rendezvous With Lieutenant Gillespie, USMC

After moving around the Sacramento valley for about a month, Fremont next headed toward Oregon's Klamath Lake to make topographic observations. He could easily have resumed his march via his old trail to the Columbia River. Instead he elected to push westward into the unexplored Cascade Range fully aware that this route ran through hostile Klamath Indian country. The party reached the lake on 6 May. On the evening of the 8th two horsemen rode into camp and informed him that a Lieutenant Archibald Gillespie, U.S. Marine Corps, was approximately 100 miles away and was bearing dispatches for Fremont. The topog hastily decided to rendezvous with the Marine Corps courier. He picked ten of his best men, including Kit Carson, Owens, four other seasoned men, and four of the Delawares, and quickly set forth.28

Lieutenant Gillespie had just completed an incredible and perilous journey by way of Mexico to deliver secret messages to Larkin and Fremont and to relay information to the Pacific fleet. The planning in Washington, particularly on the part of Polk, Bancroft, and Benton, was charged with intrigue. Secretary of State James Buchanan had forwarded only one official dispatch, dated 17 October 1845, along with a letter of introduction. These documents were directed to Larkin, and instructed him to pursue plans for

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peaceful secession and later annexation of California by the voluntary act of its inhabitants.29

Bancroft instructed Gillespie to bring Fremont up to date on recent international developments. Fremont and Gillespie became instant allies. In addition to facing a common danger, both were quite compatible as energetic and impetuous individuals and contemptuous of the Spanish speaking Californians. After Gillespie informed him of Buchanan's instructions to Larkin, Fremont felt the time had arrived to act:

The information through Gillespie had resolved me from my duty as an explorer, and I was left to my duty as an officer of the United States Army, with the further authoritative knowledge that the Government intended to take California. I was warned by my government of the new danger against which I was bound to defend myself; and it had been made known to me now on the authority of the Secretary of the Navy that to obtain California was the chief object of the President.30

Fremont also used the personal correspondence from Benton and his family to reinforce his decision. According to Fremont and his wife, the correspondence (which has not been preserved) contained a family cipher warning him to be prepared to act. As Fremont later wrote:

The letter from Senator Benton, while apparently of friendship and family details, contained passages and suggestions which, read by the light of many conversations and discussions with himself and others at Washington, clearly indicated to me that I was required by the Government to find out any foreign schemes in relation to California and, so far as might be in my power to counteract them.

Fremont pondered and reached the conclusion that night: "The time has come. England must not get a foothold. We must be first. Act discreetly, but positively."31

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Fremont reasoned correctly that the United States and Mexico were at war, although the news of the declaration of war by the United States probably had not reached California. At the time Fremont received his communiques, however, the first major battles of the war were taking place in Texas. He later explained, "I saw the way opening clear before me. War with Mexico was inevitable; and a grand opportunity now presented itself to realize in their fullest extent the farsighted views of Senator Benton, and make the Pacific Ocean the western boundary of the United States." The topog next formulated the first steps toward the conquest of California, which summarized his actions for the balance of that fateful year of 1846:

I resolved to move forward on the opportunity and return forthwith to the Sacramento Valley in order to bring to bear all the influences I could command. Except myself, then and for nine months [actually six months; Brig. Gen. Stephen W. Kearny arrived in December] afterward, there was no other officer of the Army in California. The citizen party under my command was made up of picked men, and though small in number, constituted a formidable nucleus for frontier warfare, and many of its members commanded the confidence of the emigration.32

Fremont had to deal first with another problem. That night a band of Klamath Indians attacked the party's camp, and the Americans suffered several casualties. When Fremont and his entire party returned to the Klamath Lake region in California, they exacted vengeance on the Indians there.33

Fremont and the Bear Flag Revolt

Fremont returned to Lassen's ranch on 24 May. Upon arriving he received word of a recent Mexican proclamation expelling all aliens who had not taken up Mexican citizenship. The edict also prohibited any further emigration of Americans from the United States. This

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measure gave Fremont further justification to remain in California: to protect American lives and stand ready to strike in case of war.34

On 24 May he wrote to Benton, ostensibly giving reasons for returning to the United States via California. Larkin supported Fremont and wrote that the heavy snow inhibited the explorer from taking an alternative return route through Oregon. At that time of the year, the snow and the hostile Indians in Oregon gave a good pretext for venturing again into California.35

By 30 May Fremont encamped at the Buttes of the Sacramento, and there the American settlers informed him of the latest rumors that Mexican authorities would enforce the laws excluding unauthorized immigrants and carry out their threats to expel those already there. Although there appeared to be no real basis for the rumors, the Americans believed them. Fremont's return and presence added to the commotion, thereby lending encouragement to the settlers to act on their own to solidify their resistance to Mexican authority.36

Fremont took no action against the Mexicans, but retaliated against hostile Indians in the area. In assessing the young Army topographer's actions during this stage in his stormy career, historians' views of Fremont are varied- either he acted too aggressive or too hesitant and overcautious. Typically, his actions could be described as impulsive, a trait Fremont exhibited all his life. Considering these divergent views, one could also conclude that the topog simply became confused. He made conflicting statements to different settlers. One, William B. Ide, claimed that Fremont had outlined a plan of conquest by the settlers while he would stand aloof. Jessie Fremont later wrote that her husband did not know of the war, abhorred it, and returned to California for personal reasons. All this suggests that the orders carried by Gillespie were far less extensive than Fremont himself claimed.37

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In June 1846 the Bear Flag Revolt took place. It began with Eyekid Meritt's seizure of Mexican horses on 9 June. Five days later, with advice from Fremont, the settlers took Sonoma. On 16 June the Americans occupied Sutter's Fort and proclaimed an independent Republic of California. By the 25th Fremont and his ninety-man force had come out in the open to join the settlers at Sonoma to do battle with the scanty Mexican forces. By now Fremont was coordinating his efforts with Commander John B. Montgomery of the U.S.S. Portsmouth now lying offshore in San Francisco Bay.38

Soon most of northern California was in American hands. Fremont then organized the California Battalion with himself serving as its commander. With an organization consisting of 234 men from the topographic party, settlers, and other adventurers, Fremont forged the strongest disciplined force in that theater of war.39

The Navy Joins Forces With Fremont

Having heard of the first battles of the war in Texas, Commodore John D. Sloat of the U.S. Navy's Pacific squadron ordered Montgomery to take San Francisco, and he sent word to Fremont to report to him. Sloat seized Monterey on 7 July, and prepared to join forces with Fremont to take the rest of California. When the American flag flew over Sutter's Fort a few days later, the Bear Flag Revolt ended as quickly as it started.40

A vast cloud of dust appeared first, and then in long file emerged this wildest wild party. Fremont rode ahead, a spare, active-looking man, with such an eye! He was dressed in a blouse and leggings, and wore a felt hat.

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After him came five Delaware Indians, who were his body guard . . . . The rest, many of them blacker than the Indians, rode two and two, the rifle held by one hand across the pommel of the saddle.41

Sloat appeared shocked when he learned that Fremont had acted without formal orders. He recalled the disgrace that had befallen the naval commander who seized the town four years earlier. Fortunately for Fremont, Sloat's successor, Commodore Robert F. Stockton, described by historian Justin Smith as "a smart, but vain, selfish, lordly and rampant individual thirsting for glory," arrived to take over the naval command. On 23 July Stockton placed Fremont and his men under his command. He also appointed the topog a major and left him in command of the California Battalion.42

All of California Is Taken

The conquest of California involved a series of movements and occupation of key points, usually without opposition, and the internal strife among the Mexican officials in California added to the relative ease of the American operations. Fremont and his battalion landed at San Diego and marched toward Los Angeles to join forces with Stockton and Larkin, who landed at San Pedro. Los Angeles fell without opposition on 13 August, and on the 17th the Americans declared the region a territory of the United States. Stockton now appointed Fremont military commandant of northern California and ordered him to return north to recruit more personnel.43

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ceived orders to move south with reinforcements. He soon reached Santa Barbara but unexpectedly returned to Monterey. There the topog learned of his promotion to lieutenant colonel of the Mounted Rifles as of 26 May.44

In late November, Fremont set out for Los Angeles with a force of more than 400 men. In San Luis Obispo his troops captured Don Jesus Pico, one of the Californian resistance leaders. Pico had violated his parole and faced a death sentence, but an emotional plea by Pico's family swayed Fremont, and he pardoned the Californian. Such compassionate acts on Fremont's part also gained the favor of the Californians, and Pico became one of his strongest devotees.45

After very hard traveling, Fremont reached Santa Barbara on 27 December. Following a few days rest, his battalion moved on and reached San Buenaventura, on 5 January 1847. The next day they heard news that an army commanded by Commodore Stockton and General Kearny had marched into Los Angeles. By the 12th he encamped his force near the mission of San Fernando. As usual, Fremont took the initiative and began negotiations with Don Andres Pico, leader of the Californian resistance.46

On 13 January the parties came to an agreement, and Fremont, on his own authority, signed the Treaty of Couenga. The terms were liberal and had the effect of appeasing the southern Californians. Even one of Fremont's greatest critics, historian H. H. Bancroft, conceded that the explorer had acted wisely. Perhaps Justin Smith best summed it up

It was a singular denouement. Men defeated, without a hope left, dictated terms to the conquerors. A brevet captain, just blossoming into a lieutenant colonel, eclipsed a commodore and a brigadier general; and the arch-ruffian of the Bear cult reappeared as a fairy godmother to save and bless the Californians, who detested him. But the ending was after all a happy one. The Americans felt a new respect for the people, and they were able to see that, although destitute of gunpowder, the insurgents, if driven to extremities, could have done much harm with lance, dagger and torch, and could have sown the seeds of perennial hate.47

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Fremont's Dispute With Kearny

Fremont quickly became involved in a controversy with General Kearny. Both Stockton and Kearny claimed overall command in California. Fremont supported Stockton, who, in return, promised him the governorship of the newly acquired territory. Later orders confirmed Kearny's claim. A despondent Fremont lamented, "Each gave men an order to act under him. I remained with Stockton as I had agreed. When Stockton sailed for Mexico I was made to feel the revenge of Kearny." Fremont's short term as governor under Stockton's authority legally ended on 1 March 1847, when Kearny, after receiving authority from Washington, proclaimed himself governor.48

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ordination. As a result of his impending court-martial Fremont did not see any further action in the war.49

The court-martial commenced on 2 November 1847 at Fort Monroe, Virginia. By then the War Department had ruled that the topographic officer would not be tried on matters taking place before the war, conveniently precluding an examination concerning Fremont's presence in California at the outbreak of war. The topog also received the strong and influential backing of Senator Benton, who viciously attacked Kearny's role in California. (Benton's personal vendetta continued the following year in a vain attempt to deny Kearny's confirmation to brevet major general.) During the course of the trial, Fremont's father-in-law also charged that the Army's West Point clique was persecuting a successful officer who did not attend or graduate from that institution. On 31 January 1848, Fremont was found guilty of mutiny and disobeying a lawful command and conduct prejudicial of good order. Two of Fremont's colleagues, Bvt. Colonel Stephen H. Long (also not a graduate of West Point) and Major James D. Graham, were on the 13-man court-martial board which returned the verdict. The court sentenced Fremont to dismissal from the service but recommended clemency. After intensive consultation with his cabinet, President Polk pronounced Fremont innocent of the charge of mutiny but guilty of disobedience and conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline. The President then remitted all punishment, and Fremont, still a lieutenant colonel, received orders to report to duty. Considering himself a victim of a great injustice, Fremont submitted his resignation on 19 February. The Army accepted it on 15 March 1848, thus ending the topog's military career for the time being. He did not submit a formal report of his third expedition to the Topographical Bureau.50

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Fremont's Geographic Memoir

Fremont's third expedition resulted in significant geographic findings. He had shown that the Great Basin was not the formidable desert described earlier by Major Long, and could be crossed. He also had traced a new overland route. Thanks to the famous botanist John Torrey, the explorer's collection of plants appeared in a Smithsonian Institution publication as "Plantae Fremontianae." Congress, which had postponed the publication of Fremont's narrative, somewhat belatedly authorized the publication of his "Geographical Memoir" along with Charles Preuss' important 1848 map.51

In its day, Preuss' map was the most accurate portrayal of western America between the Rockies and the Pacific. It represented a compilation of the best sources available at the Topographical Bureau which were based on the surveys of Fremont and his military colleagues and several western explorers. The Great Salt Lake was depicted more accurately, and the map included more geographic data and names for the northern reaches of the Great Basin. Fremont's famous appellation "Golden Gate" for the entrance to San Francisco Bay appeared for the first time on Preuss' map. When word of the gold discoveries reached the East, Fremont added the term "El Dorado or Gold Regions" to the appropriate locations. According to the former topog the map was preliminary only, and he made himself available for any future government sponsored explorations.52

The "Geographical Memoir" itself was not a journal but rather a geographic description of the region from New Mexico to the Pacific Coast. Fremont described each region separately- the Sierra Nevadas, the Great Basin, and the maritime regions west of the Sierra Nevadas. There could hardly be any doubt about his conclusion: "Geographically, the position of California is one of the best in the world; lying on the coast of the Pacific, fronting Asia, on the line of an American road to Asia, and possessed of advantages to give full effect to its grand geographical position.53

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In a statistically important appendix to the memoir Fremont included the astronomical observations of Professor Joseph C. Hubbard of the Naval Observatory, tables of latitude and longitude for specific locations from Bent's Fort to the Buttes of Sacramento, and meteorological observations of the Great Basin and San Joaquin valley. The factual data dispelled the desert myth and later had great agricultural importance.54

Senator Benton saw to it that his son-in-law's "Geographical Memoir" obtained wide readership. In 1848 the Senate authorized the printing of 20,000 copies, and the House produced another edition the following year. These were the last official publications of Fremont's writings as a Topographical Engineer. The corps had lost its most distinguished and at the same time most impetuous representative.55

Fremont's impulsiveness and youthful arrogance were unfortunate for him, but the Corps of Topographical Engineers benefited. While wearing his topog uniform, Fremont had distinguished himself as a geographer, scientific collector, and explorer. His glamorous career served as a model for the other officers, and their reports often reflected his influence. And Fremont had made a direct contribution to the war effort.56

The Subsidiary Expedition of Lieutenants Abert and Peck, 1845

Naming the expedition after Abert and Peck is ironic; after all, the two Topographical Engineers assigned to Fremont as assistants ended up exploring what had been, at least officially, assigned to Fremont. As noted earlier, Colonel Abert had modified his instructions to give Fremont authority to assign the exploration of the Rockies to his assistants. The two lieutenants accompanied Fremont as far as Bent's Fort. Upon arriving at the fort in early August 1845, Fremont paused to outfit his party. Before starting on his trek to California on the 16th, Fremont took the time to make sure the two young topographers knew how to use their surveying instruments.

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As Colonel Abert had noted, "Both Lieutenants Abert and Peck will be found well versed in the theories and the mathematics, which the duties require, and in need only of practice in the use of the sextant, which I have no doubt they will soon acquire under your able superintendence." He added that Lieutenant Abert should return directly to Washington after completing his survey.57

During his stay at Bent's Fort, the young Abert displayed his artistic ability. Cheyenne Indians often visited the fort and the adjacent explorers' camp, and Abert put his skills to work by making sketches of these visitors. While sketching their portraits the personable lieutenant quickly struck up friendships with several of the Indian leaders, who even allowed the squaws to pose. Old Bark and Yellow Wolf, two of the Cheyenne leaders, also provided Abert with information about their culture, language, and habits. The topog later incorporated this information in a later report of his 1846 expedition to New Mexico.58

On 12 August, four days before Fremont departed to the west, Abert set out with a thirty-three-man party downstream along the Arkansas River. Besides Peck, Abert also had as a guide the able Tom Fitzpatrick, Caleb Greenwood, and John Hatcher, veteran mountain men, who served as hunters. Provisions obtained at the fort included sufficient flour, sugar, and coffee to last two months, and as a treat, Abert packed several boxes of macaroni and rice. The party also had 4 wagons, 56 mules, 7 horses, and 8 cows for emergency food. Scientific equipment included a sextant and chronometer, but Fremont had taken all the other equipment, leaving Abert without any barometers.59

Abert initially moved east from Bent's Fort along the Arkansas River. On the 16th the topographic party swung south down the Purgatory River. With the Rockies in the background they continued in this direction for three days before joining the Santa Fe Trail, following it through to the Raton Pass. The group then left the trail and

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moved along the headwaters of the Canadian River. By 1 September Abert and Peck had descended the steep slopes to the Canadian and entered the Llano Estacado, a plain stretching from New Mexico into West Texas. Several days later they were in dangerous Comanche country and could see campfires in the distance. On the eighth they noticed Indian scouts observing them. Fortunately, Greenwood and Hatcher were adopted members of the Kiowa tribe, and the Indians treated the explorers well. To preclude any mistaken identity, the Kiowa chiefs provided an Indian guide and his squaw to accompany the party eastward along the Canadian.60

On the 15th Greenwood and Hatcher turned back toward Bent's Fort, and the party continued along the Canadian River. The following day the Indian escort departed. Abert's group proceeded south of the Canadian to seek out the headwaters of the False Washita River. Reaching what they believed to be the False Washita (actually a few miles to the north) they traveled some 70 miles eastward in the Texas panhandle along the North Fork of the Red River. Off on the horizon the travelers saw Indians observing them, but they reached the Canadian on the 24th without incident. Proceeding rapidly eastward, the Americans safely left Comanche and Kiowa territory. They moved through the Canadian River valley and further saved some time by simply following the well-beaten buffalo paths.61

By 10 October Abert and his men were past buffalo country, and they soon reached the ruins of Fort Holmes in eastern Oklahoma. They followed old dragoon trails, with thick vegetation and forests slowing the party's progress. Three days later they killed a marked hog, a sign they were nearing civilization. As the party passed through friendly Creek Indian settlements, Abert's well traveled group had taken on a fearsome appearance compared, as he put it, to the "tastefully" dressed Indians.62

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On reaching the North Fork of the Canadian, most of the party moved straight on to Fort Gibson. Abert headed toward Webber Falls, some four miles from the juncture of the Arkansas and Canadian, while Peck made exact astronomical observations of the juncture of the two rivers. With their survey now tied into known points, the lieutenants reached Fort Gibson on 21 October. The topographers then moved on to St. Louis in the next leg of their return to Washington.63

Abert's Map and Report, 1846

Once back in Washington, Abert and Peck prepared their report and a map of the region they had traversed. These results were published in June 1846 and provided the latest authoritative information on North Texas and the Canadian River region. Besides their findings, the topogs compiled their map from the best available sources including the earlier maps done by Fremont, William B. Franklin, and Josiah Gregg. Local Indian sources provided some information on the terrain between the Canadian and Arkansas rivers, which the topogs duly noted. In addition to tracing the Canadian River region from New Mexico to its juncture with the Arkansas, the map depicted the Platte, the Arkansas, several portions of other rivers, and the mountain region west of Fort Laramie and Bent's Fort to Santa Fe. Published to a scale of 32 miles to an inch, the map embraced the country from the 94th meridian to the Rocky Mountains and between the Platte River and the 35th parallel.64

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future settlers moving west across the region, it did serve a practical purpose as ethnological source material of the tribes encountered by the expedition.65

Like many other Topographical Engineers, Abert did not concentrate in a specific scientific field; he left the analysis of the data to the experts. Publication of Abert's report turned out to be especially timely for military purposes. War had just been declared, and his information and map were put to practical use for future military operations in the Southwest.

The exploratory efforts of the Topographical Engineers on the eve of the Mexican War were, of course, only part of the tasks being undertaken by the corps. And virtually all of the corps' peacetime activities ceased when war broke out. The Topographical Bureau itself would have little to do with the war effort, but some two-thirds of the corps' officers would deploy to the field commands. Lieutenant Abert would again head west, this time to serve for a time with Lieutenant Emory in General Kearny's force gathering at Fort Leavenworth.

[49]

Colonel John J. Abert (National Archives)

Major Stephen H. Long. (National Archives)

[50]

A portion of Long's map of his 1819-1820 expedition depicting the "Great American Desert." (National Archives)

[51]

One of the snag boats built after Long took charge of the snag boat fleet. (National Archives)

[52]

Lieutenant Emory's 1844 map of the West (National Archives)

[53]

William B. Franklin during the Civil War (U.S. Military Academy Archives)

[54]

Typical uniforms of Regular Army soldiers during the Mexican War. (U.S. Army Center of Military History)

[55]

Section III of Fremont map based on the 1844 expedition to California (National Archives)

[56]

Section IV Fremont map based on the 1844 expedition to California (National Archives)

[57]

Fremont at Snow Peak, a romanticized version used in Republican campaign literature during the 1850s.(Library of Congress)

[58]

Fremont's 1848 map. (National Archives)

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